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Review of the political state of the USSR in April 1929
May 22, 1929
Ex. No. 109
At the same time, an overview of the political state of the USSR for April 1929 is being transmitted. The review was compiled on the basis of data from the Information Department and GUPO 171 of the OGPU.
This survey, in view of its top‐secret nature, should be kept on par with the code. Making copies and making extracts is not allowed in any case.
PP OGPU and chiefs of the lips. and the OGPU scammers can give an overview for reading to the Secretaries of regional committees, provincial committees, regional committees and the Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b).
When reviewing 4 applications and one table.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU
The transition to a rationed supply of bread to the population is over. In April, the last regions ‐ Siberia and the Far Eastern Region (Chita, Irkutsk, Blagoveshchensk, Tulun, etc.) ‐ switched to firm norms.
The supply of bread to workers and other working urban population, thanks to the introduction of the rationing system 172, has improved somewhat.
The queues for bread almost stopped, with the exception of certain districts (in Krasnodar up to 500 people, in Shakhty ‐ 200‐300 people, in
Saratov from 300 to 500 people).
In April, there was a slight decrease in the norms for the supply of bread for certain groups of consumers in Tula, Nizhny Novgorod, Astrakhan, Kozlov. In Tula, the norm for employees has been reduced from 500 to 400 g of bread per day. In Nizhny Novgorod for April, the norms were reduced from 12 kg to 9.8 kg of flour per month per worker. Since April 10, Kozlov (TsCHO) has reduced the supply of white bread to 300 g per day per share book 173 regardless of how many members the family consists of. In Astrakhan, the norms have been reduced: for a worker from 800 to 600, for employees from 600 to 300 per day.
In some cities and industrial districts, in April there was a shortage of sugar, meat, vegetable oil (Saratov, Khabarovsk, coal regions in the NCC, etc.).
Prices for food products continue to rise in the private market.
In Saratov, white bread costs from 30 to 50 kopecks. lb. In Khabarovsk, potatoes were sold at the market for 4 rubles. for a pood, potatoes are often not on sale in cooperatives. In Tula, rye flour mixed with oatmeal was sold for 7‐8 rubles. per pood, millet increased in price from 8 to 9 rubles, wheat flour from 16 rubles. up to 25‐27 rubles. for a pood. In Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, potatoes were sold for 2 rubles. 50 kopecks for the measure.
On the basis of industrial difficulties, there were several conflicts in which the unworked population of cities took part.
In Saratov, a fight broke out in the queue for bread under the shouts of ʺbeat the Jewsʺ (April 20), 16 people were injured.
On April 8, in the city of Berdyansk, a group of women, at the initiative of the unemployed and the petty‐bourgeois element, organized a march to the city council and the party committee demanding bread (the incident was caused by an order from grain supplying organizations to temporarily withdraw from supply, due to an acute shortage of bread, all except members of the metalworkersʹ trade unions, transport workers and vodnikov). The procession was attended by about 200 people. The conflict was settled by reducing the rate for the members of the three unions, the entire working population is supplied with bread at a reduced rate.
In Stalingrad on April 1, a crowd of 250 people, mostly of an unworkable element, under the leadership of a former member of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, a disabled Red Army, for two hours at a closed bakery demanded the distribution of bread. In the crowd, shouts were heard: ʺWe need to beat the Jews.ʺ
On April 30, in Taganrog, a line of 350 people, mostly women, gathered at one of the grain distributors. Dissatisfied with the slow release of bread, standing in line, under the influence of the agitation of antiSoviet people, broke the windows in the shop windows. The arriving militia were met with extremely hostility.
In the city of Novogeorgievsk, Kremenchug District, there is an acute shortage of bread. In private bakeries, bread is sold for 25‐30 kopecks. per pound. There are up to 1000‐1500 people in the queue for bread, queues are set from 12 noon. nights. On April 14, 350 people standing in line for bread, under the influence of the agitation of local private bakers, went in a crowd to the RIK demanding to allow private owners to sell bread at an increased price. They shouted from the crowd: ʺGive the chairman here, we are hungry, let them allow the sale of bread at 13 kopecks.ʺ The crowd pounced on the fire chief who was present, but he managed to escape.
In Anapa, on April 10, a crowd of 400 people removed from supplies gathered in the courtyard of the EPO board, demanding the supply of bread. There was no bread on sale that day at higher prices, and this was the reason for the performance.
In April, due to food difficulties, there were also several conflicts among workers, leaving work and temporary suspension of work. With the approach of field work, some groups of workers associated with the village began to make clearly impossible demands (an increase in grain rations and a general increase in wages), otherwise threatening to quit their jobs. There were several cases of leaving work. This kind of phenomenon has become widespread among miners in the Luhansk district and at the Bobrikov coal mines (Tula province).
Luhansk district. In the second half of April, the following were required: 120 miners of the Krasnopolye mine, Bryansk Ore Administration; 220 workers of mine No. 1 of the Khrustalsky mining administration and 300 workers of the Maria mine of the Pervomaisky mining administration. There was an agitation among the workers for a strike.
Tula lips. From the mine. Rykov, the semi‐peasant workers leave. There is widespread talk among miners about the need to ʺflee from the mine to other work.ʺ
In connection with food difficulties (insufficient norms, the sale of lowquality bread, interruptions in meat supply, etc.), there were also some insignificant ones in terms of the number of strikes and the duration of strikes, mainly among seasonal workers.
Workers of mines No. 22 and 6 of the Pervomaiskiy mining administration (300 people) did not go to work on April 1 due to a lack of meat.
All seasonal workers engaged in construction work at mine No. 100 of the Pervomaysky mining administration left the enterprise. The main workers ‐ miners (residents of neighboring villages) went on strike, 8 of them took the calculation. Tatar workers also went on strike for lack of meat.
On April 5, 30 Chinese workers went on strike at mine No. 4 of the Artyomovsky mine (Vladivostok district). The workers demanded that the norms for the distribution of grain be improved (they receive 800 g of bread a day).
Workers of the Lyudinovskiye sawmills 110 people (Bryansk province) also went on strike on 19 April. The workers demanded an increase in the norms of grain supplies and higher wages.
In the Maykop district, on April 7, lumberjack workers (60 people) went on strike, engaged in the logging of the 5th site of SKONS. The reason for the strike is non‐receipt of bread.
In the mountains. Makhachkala (Dagestan) went on strike on April 18 for several hours 400 seasonal workers employed at the cannery. The termination of work was caused by the refusal to issue grain books of 174 part of the workers and the establishment of a norm in 400 instead of the existing norm for workers in 800.
It is noteworthy that in the areas of the greatest difficulties, individual workers buy out ahead of schedule the bonds of the 2nd
industrialization loan in order to sell them. There is also an increase in the withdrawal of deposits from savings banks (some factories in Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, Moscow, Ryazan provinces).
Strikes and conflicts at state‐owned enterprises
In the month of April, most of the strikes are related to wage issues (revision of rates and norms, reduction of ranks due to leveling, etc.). In total, there were 16 strikes with more than 900 participants. The strikes are insignificant and cover in the main industries groups of workers from 15 to 50 people (among metalworkers ‐ 4 strikes and 81 participants, textile workers ‐ 3 strikes and 319 participants, miners ‐ 3 strikes and 170 participants).
Reduction of workers in the textile industry
In a number of factories in the textile industry, in connection with the directive on the implementation of the industrial financial plan and the reduction of the cost price, it is planned to reduce the workforce. According to the tentative data available so far, up to 19,000 workers are planned to be cut (in Moscow and the province ‐ up to 10,000 workers, in Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province ‐ 6,500 people, in Leningrad ‐ about 2,000 people).
Along the Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya lips. more than 1,500 workers have already been laid off in 19 factories, most of which have been sent to the labor exchange, some have been transferred to other factories and social insurance (at the Bolshaya Dmitrovskaya mr, 409 out of the 426 laid off workers were transferred to other factories).
At some factories in Leningrad, the task of reduction is simplified by the fact that even before the directive, groups of workers were reduced for various reasons and the places of those who left were not filled (589 workers were dismissed at the Rabochy factory, up to 500 workers at the Anisimov factory, and etc.).
The first to be cut are the anti‐Soviet element, truants, former traders and workers with a strong agriculture. In most cases, the contraction is still painless. However, in some factories, workersʹ discontent is exacerbated due to the shortcomings and mistakes made by the administration and trade‐union organizers during the layoffs (those who have no means of subsistence are included in the lists of those to be laid off). This is due to the fact that the particularly important question of the selection of the composition of those to be laid off at individual factories has not been sufficiently worked out.
Such phenomena took place mainly in the Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. At Dolatovskaya factory (Ivtextil), a locksmith with a family of 5 people and only 2 tithes of land has been reduced, while three workers from the same Vinogradov family, who had 3 tithes of land, have been left in production, and one of the family receives a disability pension. When the workers announced this at the factory, demanding the layoff of the worker Vinogradova, they were told that “Vinogradova is an activist” (this worker protested against the closure of the church and is hostile to party members).
The mechanic department mechanic named Ulanov (a member of the CPSU (b)), who has 6 acres of land and a strong farm (2 people work in the family), declared: ʺIf they cut me down, I will give up my membership card.ʺ After this threat, he was not cut.
The workers point out that a weaver, who has a full household, 3 dessiatines of land and a 2‐storey house, was not included in the abbreviated lists.
In Leningrad, workers are dissatisfied with the payment of a two‐week layoff allowance, while in fact, dismissal is due to rationalization (transfer to an increased number of machines and sides) and workers are entitled to a three‐month allowance. On this basis, disagreements arose between the Union and Lentekstil and the issue was transferred to the resolution of regional organizations.
Downsizing at the Sormovskiy plant
At the Krasnoye Sormovo plant, in connection with an acute shortage of raw materials, it is planned to lay off 1,640 workers. First of all, the newly recruited 700 workers with a criminal record and associated with agriculture are being dismissed.
Clarification has not been carried out enough; this is used by anti‐Soviet elements, who are rebuilding those who are being laid off against the Soviet power and administration.
The workers ‐ textile associated with the village due to the reduction
Along the Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya lips. a number of facts were noted when workers associated with the countryside, in order to stay in production, liquidate their agriculture and transfer the land to collectives.
The peasants of the village of Rodnikovskaya working at the Rodnikovskaya m. Skrylovo, Rodnikovsky District, compiled a list of ʺthose wishing to break with the peasantry and transfer the land to the collective.ʺ In a statement filed in the factory, these workers asked to consider them proletarians who had severed ties with the land.
At Teikovskaya factory, a group of workers of 7 people who have good agriculture in the village. Wrens surrendered their land to the community.
An apprentice of this factory (a former merchant), who has a good house and outbuildings, declared at the factory that ʺhe is liquidating the farm and asks to leave it at the factory.ʺ
Land surrender by workers is beginning to take on significant proportions, especially in Teikovskaya parish.
Facts were noted when workers resort to fictitious divorces and divisions (Teikovskaya factory ‐ Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, factory “Zarya Sotsializma” in Yaroslavl).
The nervous mood of the workers associated with the countryside is also caused by a sample survey carried out by the All‐Union Central Council of Trade Unions, the NKT and the Central Statistical Board at a number of enterprises in the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. In the absence of clarification, the majority of the workers surveyed had the impression that the census was intended to reveal the capacity of their farms for dismissal from factories. As a result, groups of workers give inaccurate information about their farm, the size of the family, etc. (B.
Dmitrovskaya factory, etc.).
It was noted that a group of workers of the ʺKrasny Profinternʺ company entered at night the premises of the club where the questionnaires were kept, broke into the closet and destroyed over 400 completed questionnaires.
The tactlessness of the registrars, the selection of which is unsatisfactory, has a negative effect on the mood of the workers.
At B. Dmitrovskaya, a former member of the All‐Union Communist Party (expelled from the party for stealing goods) involved in the census, when asked by the weaver about the purpose of the census, rudely replied: ʺTomorrow you will find out, the management has already signed your dismissal.ʺ The weaver fainted, and a group of workers left the looms, demanding an explanation. The workers calmed down after a representative of the FZK said that ʺthe registrar was joking.ʺ
Speeches and agitation of anti‐Soviet persons at textile factories
In some factories (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk Gubernia), anti‐Soviet people are stirring up the discontent of the groups of workers to be laid off.
Under the influence of their speeches, the conference of the Dreznenskaya mry (Moscow) was extremely stormy and disorganized. Part of the audience who spoke out against the layoffs (there were up to 1000 workers in total) greeted them with applause; Resolution 175 on the report on the work of the 8th Congress of Trade Unions (the report was the first in the order of the day) was voted twice, and the first time 50 people voted for the resolution, and the second ‐ 150 people. The resolution on the reduction was put to the vote three times (the first time no one voted for it, the second ‐ 150 people, and the third ‐ 400 people).
In connection with the reduction, several cases of threats to the administrationʹs address were registered.
At the general factory conference of workers of the Krasnoye Znamya factory (April 7) on the re‐election of the factory committee, two anonymous notes were submitted to the presidium: “We will kill Director Merkulov”. Talk of the directorʹs assassination was noted in groups of workers.
At the factory ʺ1st Mayʺ there were threats from anti‐Soviet groups of workers at the address of the head. MAE; the group said they would ʺknock him down with casting.ʺ
In the factories of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. The agitation of antiSoviet people (some of them are associated with strong agriculture) basically boiled down to an appeal ʺto organize so as not to be fragmented.ʺ Along the way, agitation was carried out for the need to oppose measures to compact the work and thereby prevent reductions.
With few exceptions, anti‐Soviet agitation did not meet with support among the workers.
Re‐election of FZK
For a number of large industrial enterprises in Moscow Gubernia, Ukraine, DVK, Nizhny Novgorod and Smolensk Provinces, the attendance and activity of workers at re‐election meetings are very often completely insufficient.
Average attendance at re‐election meetings of the FZK in Moscow province. and Ukraine does not exceed 45‐58% of the total number of workers. At the workshops of the Kharkov steam locomotive plant, GET No. 1, and the Krasnaya Nit factory, the activity of non‐party workers is very low. 4‐10 people spoke at the meetings, mostly members of the CPSU (b).
In some enterprises in Moscow and Ukraine, attendance at re‐election meetings is extremely low. So, in a number of shops of the Glukhovsky factory named after Lenin (Moscow province, 14,000 workers) was in the thread department of 200 people ‐ 50, in the automatic shop of 200 ‐ 15 people, in the machine shop of 300 ‐ 40 people.
Out of 1560 workers, only 163 out of 1560 workers attended the workshop meeting of GET No. 1 (Kharkov).
Due to low attendance at meetings by workers, meetings were disrupted.
In separate shops of the largest textile enterprises of the Moscow province. (Glukhovskaya, Yakhromskaya, Sobolevo‐Shchelkovskaya factories, factory named after ʺRed Army and Fleetʺ, factory named after Nogin, ʺKrasnaya Zaryaʺ, etc.), electric and coal industry in Ukraine (GET, KhPZ, ʺMinerʹs Lightʺ) and the DCK (Suchansky mine, Artemshakhta No. 10) meetings were disrupted due to the absence of workers.
In some cases (Moscow and Smolensk provinces), after the disruption of the first meetings, representatives of the FZK and the administration tried to act on the workers with coercive measures (closing gates, doors).
In the overwhelming majority of cases, the work of the FZK was found to be satisfactory. Only in individual enterprises (at 6 meetings of the Moscow province, at one meeting in the Nizhny Novgorod province and one in the Smolensk province), the work of the FZK was recognized as unsatisfactory.
The following shortcomings were noted in the work of the FZK of these enterprises:
a) poor work to improve cultural and living conditions;
b) weak work of commissions, especially commissions for labor protection;
c) inaction of the FZK to raise wages for lagging groups of workers;
d) lack of contact in the work of the FZK with the administration and
e) insufficient fight against truancy, etc.
In most cases, the FZK re‐election takes place in a normal environment. Only on the part of certain anti‐Soviet persons (including the Trotskyists) were attempts made to carry out their proposals. These individuals campaigned against workersʹ attendance at re‐election meetings, for trade unions without the ʺinterferenceʺ of the communists, for the liquidation of trade unions as ʺservants of the administrationʺ, etc.
However, in most cases, these performances did not have any success. Only at the meetings of the ʺProfinternʺ company (Kharkov), the plant. Dzerzhinsky (Odessa) and the Yugostal plant (Mariupol), some groups of workers supported these performances, and at the factory ʺRed Bannerʺ, named. On May 1 and at the Savvinskaya and Yakhromskaya factories (Moscow province), the anti‐Soviet element managed to disrupt the meetings.
The early re‐election meetings of the FZK in the carriage department and the steam locomotive workshop of the Krasnoye Sormovo plant (Nizhny Novgorod province) were held in a very unhealthy atmosphere. Early re‐elections of the FZK were caused by the weak work of the factory committee, the separation from the masses, the disintegration of individual trade workers, etc. At the meetings of these workshops, the report of the factory committee was constantly interrupted by remarks: ʺThe district committee chose you, not we.ʺ ʺDo not tell us about the performance of the factory committee, we know.ʺ The candidates recommended by the party collective were met negatively. The workers nominated candidates from among themselves. When the representatives of the cell began to object, they left the meeting. The meetings were disrupted several times in a row. As a result, candidates nominated by the workers passed to the FZK.
The mood of the unemployed
The mood of the unemployed, due to the continuing influx of new cadres of the unemployed to labor exchanges and the still relatively insignificant number of jobs (due to the incomplete development of seasonal and public works), is characterized by a certain aggravation, which is usual for this period. In a number of cases, dissatisfaction with the unemployed took the form of active manifestations. It should be noted that most of this was due to the tactless, rude and bureaucratic attitude towards unemployed workers of the labor exchange, as well as workers of trade unions and grain supply organizations.
Dissatisfaction of the unemployed in connection with food difficulties
Dissatisfaction of the unemployed on the basis of food difficulties (equated in grain supply with employees, unsettled order of distribution of grain products, etc.) took place in Grozny, in the cities of the Crimean ASSR, Kostroma and Semipalatinsk. In Grozny and the cities of Crimea, unemployed discontent took on sharp forms. The unemployed filed collective applications to Soviet organizations demanding an increase in the food supply and protested against being equated in grain supply with employees (at meetings, the Crimean ASSR). There were isolated cases of calls for the organization of demonstrations (Grozny).
In Grozny, due to the significant number of unemployed (8,500 people) registered at labor exchanges and the continuous influx of new unemployed (90‐100 per day), the mood of the unemployed is tense.
On April 11, at the building of the cooperative market, a representative of the Central Regional Committee took away from one unemployed person a bread collection book with the seal of the exchange, explaining that ʺthe Central Commission did not give instructions to the exchange to stamp the collection books with its seal, and also promise the unemployed daily bread in the amount of 1½ pounds.ʺ This statement caused strong outrage among the unemployed. “What can I say, you still canʹt get the truth. Take a club and go beat all those who give such orders. It is necessary for all unemployed to act in an organized manner and to achieve an increase in the distribution of bread. ʺ The next day, there was talk about the need to organize a demonstration under the ʺwhite flagsʺ.
The aggravation of the mood of the unemployed was also influenced by the following circumstance: the board of the bakery cooperative sent 1,500 kg of black bread to one of the stalls. About 150 unemployed people, seeing that the bread was completely unusable, rushed to the cart and began to scatter the bread. The police failed to establish order. After that, the unemployed went to the building of the OGPU branch office, where an act was drawn up on the quality of bread and sent for urgent investigation to the prosecutor.
On March 25, a group of unemployed came to the section of water workers of the Kerch Labor Exchange and protested against the established rate of bread distribution in 300. The unemployed, the son of the owner of a sailing ship, made a statement to the City Council demanding an increase in the grain rate, which was signed by 115 people.
A statement demanding an increase in the grain rate was sent to the city council and from 215 unemployed food workersʹ sections 176.
There have been separate attempts by anti‐Soviet and hostile elements to use the food difficulties to conduct anti‐Soviet and anti‐Semitic agitation among the unemployed (Grozny, Kostroma,
Evpatoria). Some groups of the unemployed explain food difficulties by exporting grain abroad.
Calls and attempts to organize a demonstration
At Omsk, Leningrad and a number of labor exchanges in Ukraine (Kiev, Dnepropetrovsk, Odessa, Zinovievsk, Poltava), there were calls and attempts to organize a demonstration of the unemployed demanding that they be sent to work and calls for the destruction of labor exchanges.
Campaigning was carried out at the Moscow‐Narva (Leningrad District) labor exchange, and preparations for organizing a demonstration of the unemployed during the May Day processions were carried out at the Omsk Labor Exchange, and anti‐Soviet and criminal elements were the leaders and initiators of the preparation for the demonstration.
At the Omsk Labor Exchange, individuals from among the unemployed were preparing to organize an independent column of the unemployed during the May Day processions under the slogan ʺBread and Workʺ. On the night of April 30, local bodies of the OGPU arrested some of the initiators. The next day, after the explanatory work of representatives of party and trade union organizations, the unemployed decided to participate in a demonstration in the trade unions. Among those arrested were: one Polish defector, one homeowner and two convictions for embezzlement.
Discontent of the unemployed in connection with bureaucracy and protectionism of workers of labor exchanges and trade unions
Protectionism, bureaucracy and rough treatment of unemployed employees and the protection of labor exchanges and individual trade union workers led to increased discontent among the unemployed (Yaroslavl, Leninakan, Saratov, Dnepropetrovsk, Stalino, Nizhny Novgorod).
Due to the rude and tactless treatment of the unemployed in Yaroslavl and Saratov by employees and labor exchange protection, and in Leninakan by trade workers, at labor exchanges, large excesses of the unemployed took place.
On April 10, an unemployed man was arrested at the Yaroslavl Labor Exchange for a squabble with a policeman, who tried to go to the head of the labor exchange to report missing documents. While the unemployed was being escorted to the militia, a crowd of unemployed tried to free him. The policeman began to threaten the unemployed with weapons, which caused strong discontent. A police squad arrived to help the policeman. The unemployed man was accompanied to the militia by about 200 unemployed people, who were joined by traffickers and a criminal element. At the request of the unemployed, the police were forced to release the arrested unemployed.
Demand for unemployed workers to be dismissed from enterprises related to agriculture
As a result of the categorical demands of the unemployed of the Yaroslavl Labor Exchange, registered with the Zarya Socialism company, 190 workers associated with agriculture were dismissed from the factory in early April. In place of those dismissed, 70 unemployed were taken, among whom there were about 30 people convicted in criminal cases. Despite the dismissal, the unemployed are demanding additional reductions in workers associated with agriculture.
Growth in urban activity
In connection with the pressure on the private trader and the intensification of anti‐religious agitation, there is an increase in the activity of anti‐Soviet activities of the unearned urban population ‐ merchants and ordinary people. Particularly sharp dissatisfaction and active resistance are aroused by the decisions of workersʹ meetings to close churches. There were several incidents on this basis.
In the mountains. Kuznetsk (Central Volga Region) On April 10, a crowd of believers gathered near the cathedral, outraged by the decision of the conference of school workers, employees of some Soviet institutions, military workers and others to close the local cathedral and transfer it to cultural needs. A signature sheet was issued in the crowd against the closure of the cathedral. On the eve of April 9, there was an illegal meeting of the initiators of the movement against the closure of the cathedral (local merchants, homeowners and other anti‐Soviet elements).
Public speeches in connection with the campaign to close the church (the latter) took place in Sochi, where four churches have already been closed, but for the cultural needs of the population they have not been used.
In Roslavl (a district town of Smolensk province) on April 15, the day the church archives were removed from the cathedral, about 40 inhabitants gathered around the cathedral. Those gathered demanded the removal of the commission on withdrawal from the cathedral. The anti‐Soviet element was campaigning in the crowd: ʺWe must all, as one, stand up for the Orthodox faith.ʺ “Representatives of the godless government have come and are taking away the cathedral from us. Jews are in power. ʺ The crowd was dispersed by the police.
Under the leadership of a group of churchmen, local merchants, former clergymen, and active Tikhonovites, on April 16, leaflets were distributed along the streets of Roslavl urging: ʺResist the Jews, donʹt let Godʹs temples be closed,ʺ ʺto exterminate all communists and Komsomol members, and especially the Jews.ʺ
Second‐grade schoolchildren with family ties to members of this group also distributed anti‐Soviet and anti‐Semitic leaflets calling for reprisals against Komsomol members and “Jews”.
In Samara, under the influence of rumors that the voice of a crying man is heard in one of the churches on the bell tower at night, on April 16, a crowd of 5,000 people gathered in the market square. Individuals started agitation: ʺIf this is a screaming owl, then itʹs not good, there will be war and famine.ʺ “This is the mother of God screaming and crying, crying for Jesus, who will soon be crucified, because the communists are taking away churches. This is the voice of God crying for our sins. ʺ The agitation had an exciting effect on the crowd. To disperse the crowd, the mounted police had to be called.
The carnival procession, organized by the Komsomol members on the pre‐Easter night, caused a sharp outrage among the inhabitants and open demonstrations against the demonstrators.
In a number of districts of Kharkov, believers threw stones at the participants of the carnival from church fences and from windows of houses. There were attempts to beat up individual carnivals. Near one of the churches, believers attacked a truck with Komsomol members. It was possible to prevent the carnage only thanks to the intervention of the Red Army soldiers from near the quartered military unit. The crowd recaptured a citizen detained by the Red Army, who was conducting anti‐Soviet agitation and calling to beat the Komsomol members.
In Taganrog, a group of hooligans attacked the participants in the carnival; Hooligans threw stones, shouting: “How our damn parasites celebrate the holidays. It is a pity that we are few, otherwise we would have dispersed everyone. ʺ
A typical incident took place in Azov. The townsfolk took under their protection non‐patent fish traders, who were detained by the financial inspector, who was trying to take the fish away from them. The policeman and the financial inspector were forced to leave the bazaar under the pressure of the crowd. A crowd of 300 people went to the building of the City Council and tried to enter the building. Shouts were heard in the crowd: “Beat them, the robbers. This is not the Soviet regime, but the world eaters; do not give a piece of bread to earn. ʺ The initiators of the performance were the ʺdisenfranchisedʺ merchants and the declassified element.
In the mountains. Krasnodar (Kuban) On April 18, when the financial inspectors identified non‐patent traders at the bazaar, a bazaar crowd (up to 1000 people) performed. The crowd, gathered near the premises of the bazaar commandantʹs office, demanded the return of the products taken from the merchants. Some people called for the beating of financial inspectors. Mounted police were called. Traders were the initiators of the performance.
Food difficulties and, in particular, the removal of the unearned element from the supply, also cause an increase in the active anti‐Soviet activity of these groups of the population.
In a number of cities and towns of Ukraine, campaigning is being conducted in the following spirit:
“The Soviet government wants to strangle the unearned element in every possible way, but cannot do it in any way, and so they decided to resort to starvation.
Bread is not given to anyone, and there is nowhere to get it, so we are starving to death. What they say about the lack of bread in the country is nonsense. There is bread and it will only be given to the working people, for they hold power, but we, unnecessary people, have no bread ʺ(merchant, Dnepropetrovsk district).
“The Soviet power is pressing us, small traders, illegally. They want to strangle us. We cannot be silent. It is necessary to unite and act in an organized way and completely stop trade, then the Soviet government will ask for our help and will not strangle us like that” (group of merchants, Belaya Tserkov).
“Such a policy of the Soviet regime will not lead to good. The only salvation can be if the government allows free trade and gives the opportunity to work for merchants, and the latter will get bread out of the ground and there will be no hitch” (handicraftsman, Belaya Tserkov).
Similar sentiments are among single handicraftsmen who are denied the issuance of sampling books for bread.
“Not a single imperialist state has such disorder as we see in our country. Nepmen 177 should not eat, craftsmen, not to swell, let eats ¾ of a pound of bread. What will we get to” (artisan ‐ tailor, Dnepropetrovsk district)?
“The Communist Party and the Soviet government have equated handicraftsmen with the NEPmen, which means they will suck out the last juices, and they will not give bread until the poor handicraftsmen go to the executive committee and demand sampling books. We must go out with wives and children and demand bread. It is time to act and demand bread from the communists with the whole mass. They are afraid of this and will immediately give us bread. We must get the authorities so that they do not consider us, single handicraftsmen, Nepmen” (group of handicraftsmen, Kiev).
The growth of anti‐Soviet activity of the non‐labor elements of the city is also manifested in a significant increase in the recent time in the number of anti‐Soviet leaflets, proclamations, anonymous letters, etc. The main theme is: industrial difficulties, pressure on private traders and the closure of churches (see Appendix [No. 3]).
Despite the fact that the April grain procurement plan, compared to the March one, has been significantly reduced (606 thousand tons versus 1,091 thousand tons (in March), its implementation is far behind the planned target. The grain procurement plan for the Union was fulfilled only in the amount of 55.2 The most lagging regions are SVO, Ural, Kazakhstan, which gave the lowest percentage of fulfillment of the grain procurement plan. Procurements were more successful in Ukraine, NVKrai and Siberia. The percentage of fulfillment of the grain procurement plan for individual regions is expressed in the following figures: 24% (the April grain procurement plan was reduced by 50%), in the Urals ‐ 37.5%, NVKrai ‐ 75.5%, Central Black Earth Region ‐ 51%, SKK ‐ 49.9%, in Siberia ‐ 80.4% and in Ukraine ‐ 118.3%.
The weak rate of grain procurement is partly due to objective reasons ‐ the spring thaw and the beginning of sowing in certain grain procurement regions (NVKray, Ukraine, SKK), and on the other hand, the increased tendencies of holding grain reserves not only on the part of the kulaks and the wealthy, but also on the part of the middle peasantry, leaving significant surpluses in case of the need to re‐sowing winter crops (their condition has not been clarified everywhere) and crop failure (Ukraine, SVO, SKK).
The use of social and economic pressure (boycott, collection of debts for all kinds of payments, etc.) to the malicious non‐donors of grain in a number of regions did not give a significant shift in grain procurement, since the campaign of public influence on the malicious non‐donors of bread was not deployed widely enough, moreover, control over the actual implementation of the planned measures is clearly unsatisfactory almost everywhere.
The organization of ʺred cartsʺ in April also did not give more or less significant real results due to the fact that in some places (SVO, NVKray, SKK) the participants of the carts transported an insignificant amount of grain.
In the Ukraine, the Urals and Siberia, grain procurements took place in an atmosphere of aggravated class struggle in the countryside. With the increased activity of the poor and low‐power middle peasants, who approved the measures being taken to increase grain procurements and rendered every assistance in their implementation, the activity of the kulaks and the wealthy also increased significantly, aimed at disrupting the procurements.
The kulaks and wealthy strata of the village, taking advantage of the food difficulties experienced in a number of areas by the poor (SKK, Ukraine), and excesses made by individual workers of the procurement and Soviet apparatus during the latest measures related to grain procurement (boycott, additionally 2 and 5 times self‐taxation, etc.), significantly intensified their anti‐Soviet activities and sought to exacerbate the discontent of the underpowered strata, provoking them to mass demonstrations (Siberia, the Urals).
Activities of procurement and Soviet apparatuses
The increasing difficulties in fulfilling grain procurement plans and directives on the need to increase the rate of procurement caused an increase in depressive and demobilization sentiments among a significant part of the workers in the grain procurement and Soviet apparatus (“What kind of procurements are now, all methods have already been tried ‐ it’s time to stop procurement” SVO, SKK, Ukraine,
Ural and Siberia).
In Siberia and Ukraine, there were cases of refusal of grain procurement workers (including individual party members) from work, indicating that “there is no bread in the countryside and the plans taught are impracticable”).
Thus, the workers of the Dolgo‐Mostovsky village council of the Kansk district (Siberia) defended two well‐to‐do people who were taxed 200300 poods of grain for export, declaring that they had no bread either. Subsequently, at a general meeting, the poor and middle peasants who spoke out proved that these wealthy people had bread.
The authorized representative of the Ibreysky RIK of the same district, a member of the All‐Union Communist Party, without starting work on the procurement and without making any attempt to strengthen them, sent a letter to the village commission for procurement that he could not complete the task and, simultaneously sending his party card to the district committee, left the area.
Along with this, in a number of grain‐procurement regions (SKK, NVKray, SKK, the Urals and Siberia), quite a few cases of direct opposition to grain procurements of workers of the grassroots procurement and Soviet apparatus by agitation against the export of grain, connivance to the kulaks and the well‐to‐do in hiding grain surpluses, sabotage in boycotting malicious non‐suppliers of bread, etc.
The chairman and members of the Zabitsky village council of the Samara district (SVO) are agitating among the peasants: ʺWe have no grain, the remaining grain should not be taken out, but must be held back until spring.ʺ
In Balashovsky, Kamyshinsky and Pugachevsky districts (NVKrai), some workers of the village councils opposed the grain procurement and the use of measures to strengthen them: ʺWe have no kulaks and there is no one to boycott.ʺ Very often, the boycott was thwarted by cooperative workers, who gave the boycotted all the goods they needed unhindered.
In the villages of Malyshevka, Molke, Konovalovo and other Irkutsk Okrug (Siberia), the workers of the village council are very slow in taking measures to strengthen grain procurement (inventory of the property of the kulaks who refused to comply with the decisions of the commission): “Anyway, no one will participate in the auction. There is no bread”, etc.
In some districts of the Northern Military District, the Urals and, mainly, in Siberia, the grassroots Soviet apparatus and party organizations in a number of cases turned out to be insufficiently prepared to carry out measures to increase grain procurements, the complexity of which required a certain effort and a skillful approach to organizing the rural community, carrying out intensive work with the poor and the disposition of the middle peasantry to the measures taken to strengthen the procurement.
In the Urals and Siberia, there were cases when workers of the procurement and Soviet apparatus used methods of administrative pressure, allowing significant excesses and distortions, which partially touched the middle peasant.
In some regions of Siberia (Biysk, Barnaul, etc.), as a result of superficial work with the poor and agricultural assets, without sufficient participation of the middle peasants, in the presence of organized opposition from the kulaks, the population refused to accept grain procurement plans or to accept plans on a reduced scale.
In the Korovinsky and Mokshansky districts of the Buguruslan district (SVO), individual grain procurement workers resorted to unacceptable measures when carrying out measures to strengthen procurement. Holders of grain surpluses, including some middle peasants, were summoned to the village council, where they were subjected to various bullying (smeared with soot on their faces, driven from one region to another, etc.). Resolutions were adopted to expel the kulaks and the well‐to‐do, malicious non‐donors of grain outside the district, the children of the boycotted were expelled from schools, etc.
In the Ukraine (Dnepropetrovsk district) and the Urals (Troitsky, Chelyabinsk and other districts), boycotted peasants were not allowed to take water from wells, feed and water cattle, heat stoves, etc.
In Siberia (Minusinsky, Omsk, Kansky and other districts), in some cases, administrative pressure, excesses and distortions of the class line were allowed in the implementation of village grain procurement plans.
So, for example: in the village. Shelabolino of the Minusinsky Okrug, authorized by the OIK, when distributing grain on farms, completely disregarding the class belonging of the taxed, imposed a number of poor and middle peasants with 100‐150 and more poods of grain. The low‐power middle peasants, who had previously surrendered their bread, are taxed in the amount of 150 to 300 poods. The commissioner, under the threat of selling property, forced the middle peasants to take out the immediately imposed amount of grain.
The grain procurement officer of the Odessa region of the Omsk district imposed 50 poods on all the poor. bread, not excluding even those who are completely exempt from tax, offering to withdraw bread even to those poor people whose surplus was determined by accountability at two pounds.
The same was done by another representative, a member of the CPSU (b), in the village. Westerovka.
Authorized N. Ingashenskiy RIK Kansk district, holding a general meeting of peasants in the mountains. Tokino, did not explain to the meeting and the commission the principle of the layout, as a result, the commission laid out the village grain procurement plan in a circle of 20 poods. on the farm. Among the taxed were also the poor who buy bread for food.
Clogged grain harvesting machine
Abnormalities in the work of the procurement apparatus are largely due to its contamination with alien elements. The activities of the village commissions, which are currently one of the most serious conductors of measures to increase the rate of grain procurement, due to their (commissions) contamination, inept approach and the lack of acceptable methods of work (ineffectual walking around peasant yards and begging for bread) do not give serious results in strengthening the rate of procurement, and in a number of cases these commissions by their actions (distortion of the class line) revived the peasantry against the ongoing measures for grain procurement (NVK, SKK, Siberia).
In the Gutovsky District of the Novosibirsk District (Siberia), kulaks and the well‐to‐do were included in the commission to identify surplus grain. When determining the yield in well‐to‐do farms, the commission deliberately lowered the yield, thus discovering only 470 poods of surplus on 17 well‐to‐do farms, while at the same time exaggerating the yield of the poor and middle farms. So, for example, for a poor man with 0.9 tithes of sowing, the commission determined the yield at 70 poods, in fact, the poor man has only 20 poods. surplus.
In the village. B. Aytash, Murtinsky District, Krasnoyarsk District, the commission for identifying grain surpluses in the layout of the grain procurement plan imposed all the farms equally, not observing the class approach. The fists, having 12‐19 dessiatines of crops, were laid on 40‐50 poods. This distribution caused strong indignation among the thin layers. After the well‐to‐do was removed from the commission and the poor were elected instead, the grain procurement plan was correctly decomposed.
In the village. Lyapino, Kemerovo District, Kuznetsk District, the village commission is headed by a well‐to‐do man who, after a meeting of the commission, gathered all the kulaks, re‐taxed by the commission, and urged them: “You don’t give bread, unite as one and don’t give bread. The commission will summon you and then leave you. ʺ
Kulak opposition to grain procurements
The measures taken to strengthen grain procurements caused a widespread increase in anti‐Soviet activity of the kulaks and the wealthy.
In the North Military District, NVKrai, Central Black Earth District, in the Ukraine, the SKK, in the Urals and especially in Siberia, the kulaks, in response to pressure on the malicious non‐donors of grain, called on the peasants to organized opposition to grain procurements: “If we keep quiet, the communists will strangle us completely ‐ we need to act in an organized way, so that our voice can be felt not only here, but also in the center” (Irbitsky Okrug, Ural). ʺWe need to unite and not give a pound of bread ‐ war, so warʺ (Barabinsk district, Siberia). In with. UstKurdyum (Saratov District, NVKrai), the kulaks called on the peasants to ʺdemand the abolition of grain procurements in an organized manner,ʺ etc.
In the Northern Military District, in the Ukraine and Siberia, the kulaks in every possible way tried to win over the underpowered strata of the peasantry to their side, letting them borrow grain and, threatening them if they came out against the kulaks, “starve them to death” (“we won’t give you bread; we won’t plow you” etc. ‐ SVO, Siberia). “You, the poor, should be starved to death, so that next time you do not shout at meetings for grain procurements” (Siberia).
Making extensive use of the food difficulties experienced by the poor (Ukraine, CCM) and the excesses in procurement, the kulaks are trying to restore the underpowered strata of the peasantry against the ongoing measures to strengthen procurement, telling them that the measures being taken are illegal and ʺprohibited by the central authoritiesʺ, spread rumors about universal selection of grain, etc., inciting and provoking the poor to ʺdemand breadʺ from the authorities, etc.
“Soviet workers rob the peasants, forcing them to export seed grain. The Soviet government wants to starve us and undermine agriculture” (Kansk district, Siberia).
In with. Lugovsky, Minusinsky Okrug (Siberia), the ʺdeprivedʺ kulak provokes the poor to unauthorized seizure of harvested grain: “You are sitting without bread while you have every right to demand from the village council to supply you with bread. If the village council refuses, then you yourself must take the bread that is prepared in the consumer society. ʺ
In the Barnaul and Kamensk districts (Siberia), as well as in some places in Ukraine and in the SKK, there have been cases when the poor obstructed the export of prepared grain. Frightened by the agitation of the kulaks by the prospect of famine in the spring, the poor in some places quite sharply protested against the export of harvested grain, demanding a preliminary provision of the necessary amount of grain to all the local poor.
In the villages of Vypolzovo, Novo‐Perunovo, Kurochkino and other Talmensky regions (Barnaul district, Siberia), the poor and migrant laborers, drunk with kulaks, together with the wives of the wealthy, obstructed the shipment of harvested grain, demanding the abolition of grain procurements.
In the Achinsk district, the poor refused to take bread from the checkpoint, saying: ʺUntil you provide us with bread, we will not give bread, you will take it out when you kill us on it.ʺ
In the Kamensk district, there were two cases when the poor pulled off the scales of the reception center, took part of the bread and distributed it among themselves.
April 25 in the village. Khukhrya (Akhtyrsky district of Kharkiv district, Ukraine) Khukhryansk agricultural credit partnership alongside with Akhtyrsky RIK shipped the harvested grain bread for the Akhtyrsky collection point. The gathered crowd of women, who came to receive the ground screenings obtained during the cleaning of seeds on the trier, which consisted of most of the poor widows, prevented the export, closed the gates and categorically demanded not to take out the bread from the village, saying: “You give us waste from under the trier but you want to take out clean bread, we will not allow that. ʺ Shouts were heard from the crowd: “Letʹs sort out the bread, otherwise they will take it out at night anyway. We will not allow grain to be taken out, for we ourselves are starving,” etc. The crowd did not disperse until the grain was shipped back to the warehouse of the agricultural partners.
Anti‐Soviet activities of the kulaks
To increase the rate of grain procurement, local party and Soviet organizations had to take decisive repressive measures against the kulaks, who maliciously did not surrender grain. In a number of districts of the NVKrai, SKK and, mainly, in Siberia, taxation was carried out (in two, three and five times the amount) of kulak farms that refused to fulfill the tasks of the commissions for the delivery of grain surpluses. In total, 4599 farms (mostly kulak and wealthy) have been taxed in 14 Siberian districts (as of April 20). Of these, 2,000, mainly kulak farms, were sold by auction.
The use of these measures against the malicious non‐donors of grain caused by the latter decisive opposition in the form of terror directed against grain procurement workers and the poor, actively participating in putting pressure on the kulak elite of the village, in the dissemination of anonymous letters containing calls to obstruct grain procurement, and in attempts (partially successful) to organize mass protests against these events (Siberia).
In a number of Siberian districts (Kamensk, Kuznetsk, Novosibirsk, etc.), numerous cases of kulaks leaving the village with all their property or the sale of this property in order to avoid the application of repressive measures have been recorded.
Mass demonstrations on the basis of grain procurements
In total, 60 mass demonstrations were registered in the Siberian Territory in April, mainly in the form of an obstacle to the sale of kulak property. The largest number of mass performances was registered in Achinsk (13 performances), Barnaul (8 performances) and Biysk (16 performances) districts. Recently, bagpipes on the basis of grain procurements have also spread to the districts, the earlier calm ones ‐ Kamensky, Rubtsovsky, Barabinsky, Minusinsky and Slavgorodsky.
In some of these cases, the kulaks succeeded in leading a certain part of the village population and organizing the defense of the kulak farms from sale. These speeches mostly took the character of a protest against the actions of local authorities and resistance to them (refusal to allow rural executors and police officers to list and sell property). All these actions arose almost spontaneously, as a result of the weak work of local party and Soviet organizations with the poor, as well as the insufficient organization of the public around the ongoing grain procurement measures.
Only in isolated cases (the village of Khabazino, Barnaul District) did the kulaks try to contact the population of the surrounding villages (Krasnoyarsk, Pokrovka and Volodarka), calling on them for help and unification. In other cases, the mass demonstrations were local and did not spread beyond the boundaries of one or another village.
In with. Novo‐Taraba in [erkhne] ‐Chumyshsky district of the Barnaul district, on March 29, members of the village council came to the kulak Myachin to draw up an inventory of property as taxed fivefold for refusing to hand over grain surpluses. Kulak Myachin, armed with axes with his family, said: ʺShoot, but I will not allow the property to be alienated.ʺ At this time, a crowd of peasants quickly began to gather at the house of Myachinʹs kulak, to whom Myachin shouted: ʺSave me, citizens, they are robbing me.ʺ The entire crowd of 200 people, at the call of Myachin, rushed into the yard and dispersed all the members of the Council and the performers. The policeman who appeared at the scene made an attempt to establish order and ensure that an inventory of the property was carried out. However, the crowd, led by Semyonovʹs kulak, also resisted the policeman, threatening him with beating. The policeman fired two shots upward, the crowd rushed to beat him, but the policeman managed to escape. While the crowd rushed at the policeman, Semyonovʹs fist sent two boys to the bell tower of the church to sound the alarm. The Nabat gathered the whole village, and the kulaks set up protection for the property of Myachinʹs kulak. To eliminate the bagpipes in Novo‐Taraba, the district committee sent a working brigade under the leadership of experienced comrades, which launched a broad political campaign around the events and work among the poor. As a result of the measures taken, two days later, a turning point was reached in the mood of the peasantry. The middle part of the village, dragged into the bagpipes by their fists, admitted their mistake and condemned the actions of the kulaks, demanding that they be harshly punished by way of court proceedings on the spot in the village. Novo‐Taraba. One of the main reasons that led to the outbreak of mass disorder,
In with. On March 31, in Sungai of the same district and okrug, an auction was appointed for the property of the kulak Korolkov, as five times assessed for failure to deliver bread and did not pay the due amount on time. By the time of the auction, the fist Korolkov gathered 40 women to his house, who resisted the production of the sale. At the same time in the village. Sungai community representatives Zuboskalsky received seed grain from a public barn. A crowd of women and men, which reached 150 people, incited by the middle peasant, the podkulachin Yanzin, forced the Communards to pour the grain back. Immediately, the crowd hung up the lock on the procurement station of the cooperative and set up guards from poor women to the barns. On April 1, the district party committee in Sungai sent a working brigade under the leadership of experienced comrades, which launched broad social and political work among the poor and achieved a turning point in the mood of the main poor and middle peasants of the village. After the meeting held on April 2, the poor and middle peasants sharply condemned the actions [of the crowd] and put forward demands for harsh reprisals against the kulaks, which had drawn them into an adventure. The meeting adopted the following resolution: “1) We are to blame, we ask forgiveness from the Soviet regime; 2) since the kulaks provoked irresponsible peasants, they must pay dearly for this; 3) immediately demand the fulfillment of the task of procurement from the kulaks and the wealthy; 4) to identify the kulaks and file a petition to deprive them of their electoral rights; 5) call the middle peasants and agree on who should sell how much grain to the state; 6) create, in addition to the adopted plan, a fund to provide for the needy poor.
One of the main reasons that led to the occurrence of bagpipes is the absence in the village. Party cell sungai and poor work with the poor. On the other hand, the kulaks of this village enjoy significant influence over some groups of the poor and middle peasants. Some kulaks eluded individual taxation and were not deprived of voting rights. Suffice it to point out that until the very last moment a kulak was the chairman of the local cooperative. In addition to all this, the authorized district committee, who carried out the last measures, made mistakes, consisting in carrying out an ʺequalizingʺ allocation of tasks for the kulaks and middle peasants.
In with. Khabazino, Chistyunsky district, on March 31, an inventory of property and auction of Ivannikovʹs kulak, re‐taxed for failure to fulfill tasks for procurement in a fivefold amount, was appointed. Kulak Ivannikov organized a group of women of 20 people, consisting mainly of the wives of the kulaks, and did not allow agricultural executors to the inventory of property. The crowd, armed with clubs, dispersed the agricultural executors. On the same day in the village. Khabazino was assigned to the sale of the property of the kulak Strekalov. Strekalov locked the barns and a crowd of women, armed with pitchforks, called to his aid, did not allow the sale of property. The village council called the police from the district village, which by 6 oʹclock. arrived. By the time of the arrival of the police detachment, a crowd of 500 people had gathered at the courtyards of the kulaks of Ivannikov and Strekalov. The head of RAO sent again three executors to sell the property. The crowd, led by kulaks, attacked the village executives and beat them, after which four policemen, two communists and a representative of the district committee rushed to the place of the fight. A crowd armed with axes and pitchforks attacked the policemen and wounded one policeman. Defending themselves from the angry crowd, the police fired several shots, one of which wounded a woman. With difficulty breaking free from the crowd, the police fled from the village. After the meeting, the kulaks sent their own people to the neighboring villages with a notification of what had happened. Three kulaks came to the district village of Chistyunku for conspiracy with local kulaks and for intelligence on measures taken by the district authorities. Upon receipt of information about the Khabazin events, by order of the district committee, a brigade of district workers was thrown into place under the leadership of the authorized OK VKP (b). The brigade launched a great political work,178, as well as to condemn the insufficiently tactful behavior of agricultural executors. Ask for the immediate prosecution of the organizers of the booze. We undertake to fulfill the plan 100% within five days. ʺ
Biysk district. In with. In the Mikhailovo district of the Mikhailovsky district, a crowd (about 500 people) came to the village council demanding the abolition of grain procurements, the return of the sold property from the kulaks. Shouts of ʺDown with the violenceʺ were heard from the crowd. By the evening of the same day, the crowd gathered for the second time (about 600 people) organized a rally, at which it put forward demands: 1) an immediate and complete cessation of grain procurements; 2) the immediate return of the confiscated bread and sold property belonging to it; 3) restoration of all ʺdisenfranchisedʺ in the elections; 4) the immediate return of all previously confiscated flour mills from the kulaks; 5) election of a delegation to be sent to the district; 6) an urgent supply of food and bread to the needy population.
The crowd, meeting on the street a communard who had bought a stallion for the commune when selling kulak property, took the stallion from him and returned it to its owner. The crowd dispersed the plenum of the village council and released 6 kulaks arrested during the day. The meetings of the activists and the poor have achieved a complete improvement in the mood and adopted resolutions of 100% fulfillment of grain procurement plans.
Barnaul district. April 10 in the village. Syromyatskiy, Mamontovskiy district, there was a sale of the property of the additional taxed kulak. A crowd of 100 people gathered at the point of sale. Encouraged by a local Komsomol member to take away the sold property and return it to the kulak, the crowd took away the cattle and the chaise and returned the kulak to the courtyard. In the same courtyard, a meeting was held at which a former Red Army soldier spoke and told the representative of the district committee: ʺYou are ruining and robbing us, we demand that you immediately leave our village, otherwise we will deal with you.ʺ The crowd resisted the police, who were trying to take away the sold property, and the property remained with the kulak. Then several people authorized by the crowd came to the village council, who said: ʺIf you try to sell any farm again, we warn you that none of you will leave the village alive.ʺ
By the end of April, the number of mass demonstrations in Siberia had dropped sharply.
Activity of the poor and middle peasants
The tough measures taken to strengthen grain procurements are supported everywhere by the poor and the low‐powered middle peasants.
In the SVO, NVKrai, SKK, Ukraine, in the Urals and in Siberia, the poor at meetings demanded the use of strict measures of pressure against malicious bread‐holders‐kulaks ‐ depriving them of their land plots and eviction from the Union (ʺlet them go to Americaʺ), etc.. (Ulyanovsk, Orenburg district, SVO). Measures for grain procurement in Siberia were carried out with the direct and active participation of the poor and low‐power middle peasants. Providing assistance to the Soviet apparatus and party organizations, the poor at general meetings made proposals to accept the taught plans for grain procurement, persistently seeking their approval and providing an organized rebuff to the kulaks who tried to resist the adoption of plans.
So, in the village. Novo‐Kostmanovo (Barnaul District), during the sale of the property of the kulak, stubbornly sabotaging grain procurements and refusing to pay the additional tax, the poor with red flags exported from the kulakʹs yard to the cooperative the alienated grain in the amount of 500 poods.
In the same district in the village. Karkavino of the Kosikhinsky district, the poor, speaking at a general meeting against the kulaks who hold back the bread, said: ʺEnough for you, bastards, to scoff at us.ʺ
However, in areas of food difficulties, where the supply of grain to the poor was poorly established and in some cases, where the organizational coverage of the poor and middle peasants was clearly insufficient (Ukraine, the Northern Military District, the Urals and Siberia), under the influence of kulak agitation and threats, certain groups of the poor opposed measures to grain procurements. In Kansk, Slavgorod, Kuznetsk and other districts of Siberia, there were isolated cases of refusals to accept plans for grain procurement. Such cases were registered in the Slavgorod District (according to incomplete data) 48, in Irkutsk ‐ 7, Rubtsovsky ‐ 3, Kamensk ‐ 2, Krasnoyarsk ‐ 2, Minusinsk ‐ 2, Kansk ‐ 15, etc. areas of mass bagpipes of measures, the poor and middle peasants passed resolutions on severe punishment of the initiators of the bagpipes ‐ the kulaks,
Food difficulties in the village
In April, the food situation in a number of provinces of the Center (Kaluga, Yaroslavl, Tula, Ryazan, Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya, Tverskaya, Kostroma) continues to remain tense.
The percentage of the population eating bread surrogates has increased.
Flour prices have been steadily increasing. In the Tver province. the price of bread ranges from 7‐11 rubles, and in Kaluga province. the price of rye flour reaches 12 rubles. per pood, and for wheat ‐ up to 2830 rubles.
Due to the lack of bread in certain areas of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. the sale of their property by the poor and the departure to Siberia increased.
In Nizhny Novgorod, Kaluga and other provinces in a number of villages, the poor used up their grain reserves and part of the semomaterial (up to 40‐50% in individual farms) and began to sell the last livestock for bread.
In the Kaluga province. there are fears that for part of the poor, the fields will remain unseeded, since some of the crops have already been eaten.
The shortcomings noted in the March survey in the organization of the supply of the needy and the distribution of food between them took place in the reporting month. A sharp struggle is taking place around the question of the distribution of grain.
In the Kaluga province. at a meeting of the village council, when drawing up lists for receiving bread, in a number of cases all the peasants appeared and often such meetings with a very tense atmosphere lasted up to 13:00. continuously (Malo‐Yaroslavetsky district).
Cases were recorded when the poor made a round of the barns of all those who submitted applications for the issuance of bread in order to check the availability of bread (the village of Uteshevo, Kaluga district and the province).
The question of bread is invariably raised by the poor at almost all peasant meetings.
Visits to village councils and VICs by groups of peasants in need have become more frequent, demanding the distribution of bread. There has been a marked increase in the movement to send walkers with similar demands to higher government institutions. Sometimes the initiative to send such delegations came from kulaks, clergy and anti‐Soviet elements.
In the village. Zhdamirovo, Kaluga province. at a meeting of the village council with the participation of the poor and representatives from various organizations, the well‐to‐do and middle peasants came under the leadership of the church head and demanded that they be included in the list for receiving bread. The leader of this group, the church elder, went to the VIC and PEC with the list, demanding its approval.
In the village. Kolosovo Sukhinichsky u. the son of the ʺdispossessedʺ, collected 25 kopecks. to send a walker to the center with a demand for bread. It should be noted that the walkers managed to obtain bread (Kaluga province).
Kulaks and well‐to‐do peasants, who do not feel the need for bread, also seek to get on the lists for receiving bread, making them silent about their grain reserves by threats.
In the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. in a number of cases, the poor, frightened by the well‐to‐do and middle peasants, dissatisfied with the distribution of bread on the principle of need, categorically refuse to participate in the commissions, declaring: ʺWe will be killed for this, we are threatened.ʺ
Among the middle peasants, in connection with the predominant supply of the poor through cooperation, there are facts of jealousy of the poor: ʺThe Soviet government always cares only about the poor, and this poor is mold for the middle peasantʺ (Yaroslavl province). ʺThere are no poor, there are poorʺ; ʺYou canʹt go far with the poorʺ; “The poor are idlers, the Soviet government spoiled them with privileges” (Kaluga and other provinces).
Food situation in rural areas in a number of districts of the Leningrad region. heavy. The number of people in need of bread is constantly increasing. In the most difficult situation are still: Pskov, Luga districts. In the Pskov Okrug, the severity of industrial difficulties is felt in almost all regions. In the Luga Okrug, the hungry monthly rations given out to poor and middle peasants are eaten within 6‐7 days. The rest of the time the needy eat all kinds of bread substitutes.
As a result of the ever‐increasing severity of the food situation in the Velikolutsk district, begging is growing among the poor and lowincome middle peasants. Many of them leave for begging in Leningrad and other cities.
Cases have been recorded when children of poor people left schools and went to beggar for lack of bread.
In Loknyansky district, 107 students dropped out of schools, mainly children of the poor.
The situation with the supply of the border areas of the Pskov and Luga districts continues to remain unsatisfactory.
In the hotel villages in almost all the districts of the Leningrad Region, the poor and the underpowered middle peasantry, having absolutely no bread of their own, starve, eating exclusively bread substitutes. On the basis of systematic malnutrition, cases of illness and death have increased.
Poor people, having no reserve stocks of spring grain crops, eat up crops in places (Leningrad and Borovichi districts).
Sale, slaughter and death of livestock due to lack of fodder takes place on a massive scale (Leningrad, Pskov and Luga districts). In some cases, the poor and middle peasants sell out draft animals. In the Luga District, there have been registered cases of sale of individual peasant buildings for bread by the poor and middle peasants, and the liquidation of completely peasant households.
In connection with the aggravation of food difficulties, the desire to relocate to grain‐growing regions noticeably increased. In the Pskov and Velikolutsk districts, a significant number of immigrants left the districts without permission. When leaving the district, unauthorized migrants completely liquidate their farms. There are cases when immigrants, not settling in new places, return back as beggars, having spent all available funds on the road (Pskov district).
Deficiencies in accounting for those in need and in the distribution of bread have not been eliminated to this day.
The mood of the poor and the underpowered peasantry is tense. In the Pskov Okrug, in some cases, among the poor, there have been talks about the intention to crush village councils, RIKs and cooperatives if the latter does not increase the distribution of bread.
In the suburbs of the Red Poor, crowds come to the representatives of the RIK and the cooperatives, demanding in a categorical form for the distribution of bread, otherwise threatening to disperse all employees, open shops and disassemble the poured bread.
The kulaks and the anti‐Soviet part of the well‐to‐do peasantry, using the lack of proper grain supply to the population, are spreading all sorts of provocative rumors about the export of grain abroad, the inevitability of an even greater aggravation of the food crisis, etc., itʹs time to get up, take cudgels and drive away the Soviet power” (Novgorod District).
Using the populationʹs dissatisfaction with the lack of grain in the cooperatives, the well‐to‐do and kulaks are campaigning for a withdrawal from the cooperative and for the expansion of free trade. “It is necessary for all shareholders in the Sebezh cooperative to take back their share and create their own village cooperative” (Dvorishche village of Velikolutsk district). “To hell with everyone, if they don’t give flour, then let’s get out of the cooperatives” (Bolshoye Opochivalo, Novgorod District). “We will have bread when there is free trade” (Velikolutsk district).
In April, several cases of bagpipes (group demonstrations) were again registered on the basis of dissatisfaction with the order of distribution of bread.
In the village. Sosnitsy of the Polishchensky village council of the MaloVishersky district in April, when distributing bread to the needy, peasants suggested that the commission distribute it equally to everyone. Having received a refusal, several people, jumping on the scales intended for hanging bread, said: ʺLetʹs distribute bread equally to everyone, otherwise we will take it ourselves and distribute it and we will not give your poor life.ʺ As a result, the bread was distributed among everyone.
Over the past month, 7 cases of similar bagpipes were noted.
Smolensk lips. The food situation of the underpowered peasants worsened. The delivery of bread does not correspond at all to the everincreasing demand for it. The poor receive a starvation ration of 2 kg per eater, while only 15% of the population is supplied even at these rates, while those in dire need of bread account for up to 35% of the total population.
In some villages of the Vyazemsky and Yartsevsky districts, the poor are begging.
Cases of poor people who are selling out all their property on the spot to grain‐growing regions (Siberia, Kuznetsk district, the Caucasus, Tiflis region) have become more frequent.
Most of the peasants move on their own. Among the migrants, there was talk that “there is no possibility to continue to exist in our area; if we do not go somewhere, then we will have to starve to death. ʺ
The tense situation on the grain market is aggravated by the influx of Moscow and Leningrad bagmen, who export from 50 to 100 poods daily. flour (Sychevsky u.).
Bryansk lips. A significant part of the peasantry (poor and middle peasants) in some counties do not have any grain reserves. Low‐power farms live off the sale of property (Sevskiy u.). In some village councils, the poor are begging.
In the Voylovsky village council of Zhizdrinsky district. 85 poor families are begging.
The poor, having used up their insignificant reserves of bread, begins to eat up the sowing material (the village of Apazh ‐ 95 poor households used up seeds for food).
There is a tendency towards resettlement among the peasantries.
The food situation in non‐productive districts and districts has deteriorated significantly. In April, cases of swelling and death due to hunger were recorded.
AMSSR. In with. Moshnyagi, Balta region, a poor man and a 2‐yearold child died of starvation. In the same village, several cases of swelling from hunger were recorded.
In with. Berezovka, two poor people died of hunger.
Deaths due to hunger were also registered in the villages of Kazatskoye and Lunga.
Dnepropetrovsk district. In with. Dark Ternovsky district had several cases of illness and death from hunger.
A similar thing took place in some villages of Umansky, Pervomaisky,
The sale of livestock is becoming widespread. The consumption of forage, in turn, causes a massive loss of livestock (AMSSR, Zinovievsky, Krivoy Rog, Nikolaevsky districts).
In providing assistance to the starving, there have been numerous cases of distortion of the class line by workers of organizations in charge of supplying the needy.
The mood of the poor is depressed. In some villages, persistent conversations have been recorded among the poor about the need for unauthorized withdrawal of grain from state farms and cooperatives (Kremenchug, Zinovievsky districts).
“Will the CNS worry about us? Apparently, we will have to take up this business ourselves, not far from us is a state farm, where there is a lot of flour, and we have such a situation that we will not go there for a long time to take a sack of flour each” (Zinovievsky district).
The kulaks, taking advantage of the plight of the poor, enslave them with a dacha of food on usurious terms.
AMSSR. In with. Mavtula kulak exploits the poor for nothing but food. Another kulak bought an orchard from a starving poor man for 10 rubles.
Group visits by peasants to village councils and RIKs and the sending of walkers to district centers with the demand for bread (Zaporozhye, Pervomaisky, AMSSR, Kherson district) have become more frequent.
In the Poltava district, a leaflet was found calling on the peasants to come to the regional center in an organized manner, demanding that the peasants be provided with food.
In some districts of the Odessa and Krivoy Rog districts, in connection with the aggravation of hunger, the migration to more prosperous areas increased.
NORTH CAUCASUS 179
The situation with the grain supply of the rural population in a number of districts of the region is unfavorable.
The most acute issue is with food in the eastern regions of the Stavropol, Salsk and Shakhtinsko‐Donetsk districts, which are mainly cattle breeding areas and have been underproduced for several years in a row.
A significant part of the population of these districts feeds on surrogates of bread (chaff, frozen potatoes, herbs, flour dust from mills, etc.), on the basis of which up to 300 cases of stomach diseases and a number of swelling from hunger have been registered.
In the Donskoy and Stavropol districts, many poor families are begging.
In the village Myasnikov of the Donskoy District, at a meeting of the Presidium of the Village Council, a resolution was even passed that ʺthose in need of bread can walk around the village and ask for alms.ʺ
The aggravation of food difficulties in a number of places in the Don and Stavropol districts is aggravated by the weak, and sometimes clearly negligent work of the Soviet and cooperative apparatus in the distribution of bread.
The political mood of the poor and low‐power middle peasants is alarming. In some places, the poor, fearing imminent famine, demanded an end to grain procurements. “Grain procurement must be stopped, otherwise all the grain will be taken out like last year, and we will starve” (Donskoy District). “If we are not provided with bread, we will not only not help procurement, but on the contrary, we will rather cause a scandal” (Maikop district).
Poor and low‐powered middle peasants in groups go to the village councils and cooperatives, demanding flour and bread.
The kulaks and the well‐to‐do, using food difficulties, significantly increased their anti‐Soviet activities ‐ they spread among the poor, in order to provoke anti‐Soviet protests, rumors of impending famine and mass unrest: so that there is no war” (Maikop district).
In the Salsk district in the village. The crosses under the instigation of a former merchant and a former officer who campaigned ‐ ʺyou will do the right thing if you do not allow grain to be taken out and will persistently demand that it be left in placeʺ ‐ a crowd of 500 peasants (mostly poor people and women) did not allow the collection of garnets from the mill for childrenʹs colony, despite the decision of the presidium of the village council, which confirmed the need to export bread.
The food situation in Sretensky, Chita, Vladivostok and Khabarovsk districts deteriorated again in April. The delivery of bread in connection with the spring thaw stopped. In some areas, the poor are starving.
In the villages of Popovka and Molchanovka of the Svobodnensky District of the Amur District, the poor and agricultural laborers have no bread. Many poor people are beggars.
On the basis of malnutrition, cases of diseases have become more frequent (Sretensky, Amur districts).
Almost no bread is exported to the private market. In the Byrkinsky District of the Chita District, the price of bread increased to 20 rubles. for a pood.
In the Posyetsky District of the Vladivostok District, the Koreans, in exchange for fish and crabs, bring chumiz 180 and rice from Korea.
Due to the lack of bread, the poor begin to eat seed grain.
The fists, taking advantage of the dire food situation, enslave the poor.
In with. In the Kuropatkino Amur District, a poor man, being in distress, sold to the kulak 5 acres of land for 5 poods. flour.
In the Khabarovsk Okrug, in connection with the predominant supply of immigrants, the relationship of old‐timers with immigrants has somewhat aggravated.
This is explained by the fact that the old‐timers, who are also experiencing food difficulties, receive almost no bread.
In with. Quiet about one thousand old‐timers are starving. The oldtimers threaten to destroy the cooperative: ʺIf the cooperative continues to provide flour only to the settlers, then we will defeat the cooperative, and distribute the flour to the entire population.ʺ
Reporting and re‐election campaign of cooperation
Materials on the course of the reporting and re‐election campaign of cooperation in Ukraine, the Leningrad region, Smolensk, Kaluga, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, Nizhny Novgorod provinces and the DVK note the increased activity of all strata of the village, especially its poor and middle peasants.
The kulaks and the well‐to‐do in the current reporting and re‐election campaign of the cooperatives have shown much greater activity and flexibility in the struggle against the poor‐middle peasant bloc and the party leadership in the countryside, in comparison with the previous campaign.
Shortcomings in campaign preparation
In the presence of increased activity of kulak and anti‐Soviet elements in the countryside, the lower party, Soviet and cooperative apparatuses in a number of regions did not carry out sufficient preparation for the re‐election, which was partly due to a certain clogging of the leading bodies of the cooperatives. One of the reasons for the insufficient preparation for the re‐election was the coincidence in time of a number of political and economic campaigns in the countryside (grain procurement, re‐election of village councils, preparation for spring sowing campaign, etc.), which diverted the attention of the Soviet and party apparatus.
The main shortcomings noted during the reporting and re‐election campaign were:
1) Weak preparation of grassroots Soviet, party and public organizations for the election campaign, which in a number of cases led to poor attendance by shareholders of reporting meetings.
2) Insufficient organization of the poor‐middle peasant bloc, individual cases of ignoring the middle peasant in the process of preparatory work for re‐elections (Smolensk and Kaluga provinces).
3) non‐authoritative extension often compromised candidates and often alien class and morally decomposed elements (fists wealthy, white former 181, embezzlers, bitter drinkers and t. D.).
4) Insufficient explanation of the need to introduce a differentiated share, which was used by the kulak‐prosperous and anti‐Soviet elements, demagogic agitation and incorrect information that in places disrupted the adoption of a differentiated share, in some cases with the support of the middle peasants and even the poor.
In the Leningrad region. preparation for the reporting and re‐election campaign was carried out with a significant delay against the planned date. Rural party members and Soviet organizations in some places did not pay due attention to preparations for the re‐election. The following statements by individual workers of the lower Soviet apparatus are characteristic in this respect.
“Well, what is the re‐election of the cooperation, they will report back, re‐elect, thatʹs all. What kind of campaign to conduct here, we are not choosing a tsar” (statement by the chairman of the Kupsk village council of the Cherepovets district)? “There were 5‐6 campaigns of these campaigns, like uncut dogs, every day. They are inventing it somewhere, but here we are. Just think, the re‐election of the cooperation is great. And here you run these campaigns” (statement by the chairman of the Zarechny village council of the Prishcheksinsky district of the Cherepovets district).
Errors in organizing the poor‐middle peasant bloc, noted during the reelection of village councils (isolated work with the poor, noninvolvement of middle peasant activists in active preparation for reelection), were also observed during the campaign for re‐election of cooperative boards. Poor meetings in a number of cases conspired from the middle peasants, and the middle peasants‐activists who accidentally entered the meeting were forcibly removed from the meetings.
At a meeting of the poor in the Kholbod agricultural partnership in Belsky u. Smolensk lips. the middle peasants also took part in the discussion of candidates for the new board of agricultural companies. The head of the meeting (a member of the CPSU), pulling back the middle peasants who wanted to speak out, told them: ʺThis is none of your business, you have no right to speak out, we only have a meeting with the poor.ʺ After the protests of the middle peasants, the leader of the meeting took the poor to another room, leaving the middle peasants without electricity. The indignant middle peasants declared: ʺWhy were we called up, if we are repulsed, they talk about the bow, and ran upstairs.ʺ
In the same district in the Kobylishchensky village council, Shizderevskaya parish. representatives of the VIK and the cell of the CPSU (b) before the start of the reporting meeting, a meeting of the poor was convened, where the middle peasants were not invited. The middle peasants, dissatisfied with this, said: “What a bond between the poor and the middle peasants. This is how we carry out this bond, we now have nothing to do but hold our meetings and nominate our candidates. ʺ
It should be noted that almost everywhere there were cases of imposition and nomination of unauthorized candidates, and in some cases anti‐Soviet and class alien persons. Such facts are especially numerous in Ukraine.
Zaporozhye district. At the re‐election meeting of the board of the consumer society in the village. Semenovka, Chubarevsky district, the district union representative in the new board recommended the candidacy of a member of the CPSU, who had compromised himself by embezzlement, a resident of another village. When this candidacy received an insignificant number of votes, the delegate put the question to the vote for the second time, saying: ʺIf Kovalenkoʹs candidacy to the board of your society is out‐voted, you will be deprived of the opportunity to get a loan and manufacture.ʺ Despite the fact that Kovalenko still received a minority of votes in the second vote, the presidium of the meeting decided to consider him elected to the board, provoking the outrage of the shareholders with this decision.
Kiev district. In with. Kuhary of the Rozvazhevsky district by local organizations in the past. During the reign of the cooperative, a former Petliura officer 182, a participant in the anti‐Soviet uprising in 1919, was scheduled. Sensing the approach of re‐election of the cooperativeʹs board, this officer arranged a drinking bout for local Soviet workers in his apartment, at which it was decided to nominate him.
In the presence of all these individual shortcomings, it is nevertheless necessary to state that in most polling stations, where appropriate training was carried out by the lower party, Soviet and cooperative apparatuses, the reporting and re‐election campaign took place in the presence of high activity of shareholders, providing a completely satisfactory composition of the newly elected leaders cooperation workers. Kaluga province, for example, in order to better conduct the campaign, held a competition between the agricultural cooperation unions of three provinces (Kaluga, Bryansk, Smolensk) on the following conditions: 100% turnout at reporting and re‐election meetings, the nomination of at least 33% of women to the governing bodies of members of shareholders by May 1 by 30% compared to February 1 and an average share of 1 RUB. The composition of the governing bodies has been significantly updated and the social composition has improved significantly. Thus, for 108 consumer societies that are part of the Kaluga consumer union network, 85 poor people (against 28 in the past), 7 farm laborers (none in the past) were elected. The number of poor people in the composition of audit commissions increased from 24 to 50 people. The number of women in the governing bodies of cooperation has also increased from 10 to 67 people.
Attendance at the reporting and re‐election meetings almost everywhere reached an average of 60‐70%, and in some districts of Ukraine up to 90%. The debate mainly concerned individual abnormalities in the work of the cooperatives. A significant place in the debate was occupied by the question of the lack of scarce manufactured goods, the abuse of cooperative workers, the distortion of the class line in the work of certain individual cooperatives, and in areas experiencing difficulties in food, the lack of bread. In most cases, the poor and middle peasants of the shareholders supported the candidacies recommended by the party organizations and groups of the poor, giving a resolute rebuff to the aspirations of the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements of the village to get their candidates for the governing bodies of the cooperatives. There are numerous cases when the poor and middle peasants, at the same time, rejected compromised candidates,
The most heated discussion was the issue of introducing a differentiated share. Insufficient clarification of the need for its introduction, preceding the raising of this issue at meetings, on the one hand, and the furious agitation of the kulak‐wealthy and anti‐Soviet elements against the increase in share contributions, on the other hand, led in a number of cases to rather harsh statements against the differentiated share of the middle peasants and even the poor.
The shortage in cooperation of a number of scarce goods, especially bread, was the main argument against increasing share contributions (“there is nothing in cooperation anyway”).
In with. Sivkakh Lyakhovetsky district of Shepetovsky district (Ukraine) at the re‐election meeting on the part of individual middle peasants noted this kind of speech: ʺWe doubt that if we deposit the share in full, we will receive the goods in sufficient quantity.ʺ
Smolensk lips. In the Katyn parish. Smolensky at a meeting of shareholders, the middle peasant who spoke on the report of the Nadvinsky Society of Consumers said: “Comrades, shareholders, do not put shares in the cooperative and do not replenish them. They wonʹt give us enough bread anyway. ʺ
Processing of shareholders by cooperative workers
Employees of the old composition of the board, revolutionary commissions, etc., especially who compromised themselves with various kinds of abuses, in order to secure support for themselves in the re‐elections in advance, before the re‐elections (such facts are especially numerous in Ukraine), carried out the processing of shareholders, resorting to soldering and bribery of certain groups shareholders, providing them with all sorts of indulgences when receiving goods, etc.
Kiev district. Board of the cooperative with. The gadfly of the Brusilovsky district led intensive agitation among shareholders for leaving the old composition of the board.
To this end, the chairman of the board soldered the peasants, and to some peasants he released scarce goods out of turn, etc.
Krivoy Rog district. In with. Alekseevka, the board of the cooperative, having compromised itself with a number of abuses, sensing the approach of the moment of re‐election, carried out processing of the shareholders. The chairman of the EPO board together with two kulaks walked around the village, campaigning for their election to the new board.
Activity of kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements in the countryside
The kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements of the countryside, mainly from among the well‐to‐do peasantry, showed extremely high activity during the reporting and re‐election campaign of the cooperatives, opposing the party leadership of the re‐election, against the lists of the poor and party organizations. Wanting to disguise the political nature of the withdrawal of candidates from the poor, the kulaks in almost all cases use the following as the motive for the withdrawal: “In case of waste, there will be nothing to get from the poor. They have all the property once or twice, but they have missed out on them” and offered instead “good owners, whose property would be a sufficient guarantee against waste” (Proskurovsky Okrug).
The kulak slogan of ʺcomplete freedom of tradeʺ was quite widespread, as opposed to the development of cooperatives, which ʺgives nothing to the peasant.ʺ
In Yuryev‐Polsky u. Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. the well‐to‐do at the reporting meeting of shareholders said: “The Bolsheviks do not know how to trade and will never learn to do it. We must orderly demand from them that free trade be allowed, and it is time for cooperatives to close everything. The private trader knows better where to get bread and he will have plenty of all kinds of goods and much cheaper than in cooperation. ʺ
Supporting him, another wealthy man said: ʺWe do not want to contribute money to this damned cooperation, because our money is used to give the purchased flour to the poor.ʺ
The speeches of the kulak‐prosperous and anti‐Soviet elements against the differentiated share and the creation of a fund for cooperation of the poor were particularly sharp. Characteristic is the appearance of a kulak at one of the re‐election meetings in the Nizhny Novgorod province, at which he declared: ʺCooperation cannot be class, therefore a differentiated share is not needed.ʺ
Cases of rejection of proposals to accept a differentiated share as a result of this agitation (especially where the preparatory work for the reelection was poorly carried out) are numerous. It should be noted that the kulaks enjoyed the greatest success in areas experiencing industrial difficulties.
In the Pskov District, for example, out of 29 precinct meetings, the differentiated share was rejected at 6 meetings.
In the Vologda, Kaluga provinces, Pskov and Chita districts, the kulaks and the well‐to‐do, using the industrial difficulties experienced in these areas, campaigned for the creation of ʺtheir own purely peasant cooperativesʺ, motivating their proposal by the fact that ʺbread, manufactory, boots give most of all to the workers and the poor ... Therefore, the peasants need to organize their own peasant cooperative” (Kaluga province).
The weakness of the party leadership of the re‐elections in a number of places contributed to the clogging of the governing bodies of the cooperative by the supporters of the kulaks. Nizhny Novgorod province is especially distinguished by the contamination of the new composition of the board of cooperatives.
In order to ensure success in the elections, kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements widely used bribery and soldering of certain groups of shareholders, using them to disrupt meetings, discredit candidates recommended by party organizations and groups of the poor. At the same time, it is characteristic that not only the kulaks, who in their majority did not have access to meetings, but also the well‐to‐do, carried their line through the podkulachnikov.
Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. In the Kotlovsky district of the Kadyi vol. Makarievsky u. kulaks, having drunk part of the poor and middle peasants, disrupted the meeting of shareholders after the secretary of the local party cell opposed the candidates of the wealthy.
At the re‐election meeting of the board of the Zatonsk Agricultural Partnership (Zaporozhye District), several podkulachnikov, sent by their fists, intended to ruin the list of candidates nominated by the party cell. One of the podkulachnikov said in his speech: ʺWhere is your democracy, why do you not allow the people to express their will and impose your candidacies.ʺ The kulak, who then spoke, said: “Until when will the party impose its candidates on us, we are already tired of this. We have nothing to fear from their lists, we can expose our own, and fail those. ʺ
An interesting fact that took place in the Kremenchug district, where the kulaks, for the introduction of their representatives to the board, proposed to increase the share capital of the cooperative.
In with. Popovka Onufriyevsky district (Kremenchug district), the kulaks strenuously tried to achieve failure in the re‐election of the cooperatives of the candidates of the poor, promising, if the wealthy were elected, to invest 500 rubles in cooperation. deposits.
As in the campaign for the re‐election of the village councils, the kulaks were preparing for the re‐election of the management of the cooperatives in advance, organizing their groups. In a number of cases, the kulaks, having done a lot of preparatory work, turned out to be much more organized than the poor and middle peasant activists and without much difficulty threw out the candidacies of party members and the poor and sent “their people” to the governing bodies of the cooperation.
In the Rodnikovsky district of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province, for example, on the eve of the re‐election of the board of the cooperatives, a group was organized, consisting exclusively of ʺdisenfranchisedʺ and anti‐Soviet elements. Having secured the consent of the chairman of the board of the cooperative, who told the group members: ʺCome to the meeting, we will give you the right to vote,ʺ 20 people attended the meeting, where they won the right to vote. When voting on the lists of candidates proposed by the cell of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, the members of the grouping shouted: ʺWe donʹt need a list, we will be able to appoint our own, itʹs enough to impose.ʺ As a result, out of the 7 people designated by the party cell, only one passed. The group managed to get two of its henchmen on the board.
Groups of the kulaks and the wealthy organized their meetings at which methods of struggle were discussed and ways of failing candidates for party members and the poor were outlined. Attention is drawn to the kulak group operating in the village. Mikulino, Gritsevsky district, Shepetivsky district, consisting of 12 people. With the aim of failing the candidacies of party members and Komsomol members, the group singled out one kulak from its midst, who walked around the yards of the poor and middle peasants, campaigning for the inclusion of the wealthy on the board.
The group also included the chairman of the CND. The group held several meetings and planned to hold the former chairman of the board as its representative to the board of cooperatives, who said before the elections: ʺI donʹt give a damn about the dictatorship of the proletariat and the class approach, Iʹm not afraid of your dictatorship.ʺ
On mass demonstrations on religious grounds
Since the end of 1928, there has been a quantitative increase in mass demonstrations on religious grounds. If in the first half of 1928 19 mass demonstrations on religious grounds were registered in the village, then in the second half of 1928 there were 24 registered demonstrations, and during the period from January 1 to May 10, 1929 there were already 37 (of which 27 performances in April ‐May month).
In 1928, demonstrations on religious grounds accounted for about 6% of all mass demonstrations, in January‐May 1929 ‐ 22%.
By district, religious performances are distributed as follows:
For the entire 1928
As can be seen from the above table, in terms of the number of mass demonstrations on religious grounds, the Center and the SVO are especially unfavorable. Moreover, the increase in the number of demonstrations in the SVO deserves attention, where during the period January‐May 1929 there were 11 mass demonstrations on religious grounds (of which 6 in April) against 5 in the entire 1928.
Along with the increase in the number of performances, the number of participants for individual religious performances is also increasing. So, if in 1928, on average, there were 235 participants for each performance, then in 1929 ‐ up to 400 people.
The following table gives an idea of the number of participants in individual performances on religious grounds:
Of them with the number of participants
101 to 300
from 301 to 500
from 501 to 1000
The increase in the number of mass demonstrations on religious grounds is associated with a general exacerbation of the class struggle in the countryside and the intensification of the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements, striving to unite wide sections of the population around themselves and lead them to open anti‐Soviet protests, acting on the religious feelings of the peasantry. The leading role in the overwhelming majority of speeches, along with the clergy, is played by merchants and the kulaks, who constitute an asset of the churchmen. So, for example, on 65 mass demonstrations in 19281929. the direct initiators were: clergy and churchmen ‐ 44 cases, merchants ‐ 5, kulaks ‐ 21, former people 184 ‐ 2, poor and middle peasants ‐ 4 (in other cases, the initiators of the speeches have not been established).
The main reason directly causing mass demonstrations on religious grounds is the closure of churches and the allotment of church buildings for public needs and cultural and educational organizations. On the part of the clergy and churchmen, any such measure affecting the interests of church communities usually meets with active opposition. At the same time, their activities are aimed at giving the movement of churchmen a mass character. To this end, they, acting on the religious feelings of believers, also strive to use the moments of mass discontent among the population on the basis of food difficulties, grain procurements, etc.
In this regard, attention is drawn to the attempts of the kulaks at the time of religious demonstrations to revive broad strata of the population against the campaigns carried out in the countryside.
So, in the Buguruslan district (SVO) in the village. Deleserkino kulaks organized a mass protest (100 people participated) simultaneously against the closure of the church and against the collective farm being organized.
In the Biysk district (Siberia) in the village. In Ust‐Tularinsky, a demonstration of a crowd of women (in the amount of 50 people) demanding the transfer of a public barn to a church resulted in a protest against grain procurements and the export of prepared grain from the village.
Due to the presence of the active participants in the speeches of the kulaks and the anti‐Soviet element, religious protests against certain events affecting the religious feelings of believers sometimes grew into open anti‐Soviet speeches and were held under clearly anti‐Soviet slogans, accompanied by threats to government officials, and in some cases and beating them.
In the Mordovian District (SVO) in the village. The Chelpanovo mass protest (took place on April 2, 1929), provoked by the churchmen and kulaks on the basis of the closure of the church, took place under the slogan “Down with Soviet power. Down with grain procurements. ʺ
In the Buguruslan district in the village. Deleserkino, during a speech in April 1929, several public workers were beaten by a crowd.
Similar facts took place in other regions.
The main contingent of participants in religious performances is formed mainly of women, counting on their lesser responsibility. Men make up only a small percentage of the participants in the performances and usually play a passive role.
As a rule, the participants in the performances are summoned by a symbolic alarm bell. In this regard, attention is drawn to the fact that in recent years there have been much more frequent cases of mass demonstrations on religious grounds, when there was a preliminary preparation and processing of the believersʹ active by the clergy and churchmen. In some cases, the leaders of the speeches tried to establish contact with other villages and involve the latter in joint speeches.
For example, in the Orenburg District (SVO) in the hut. StepanovoOzernoye kulaks, provoking the population to protest against the closure of the church, send riding women to neighboring farms in order to involve the population of these farms in a joint protest.
In the Kuznetsk district (Siberia) in the village. Ust‐Sosyaevo churchmen appealed for support to nearby villages, from where up to 50 peasants came to help, of whom the church was guarded.
All available materials on mass demonstrations on religious grounds indicate that the clergy and kulaks are able to lead large sections of the peasantry to mass excesses only because of the unsuccessful antichurch work of local organizations.
While the clergy, at the first rumor about the possibility of closing the church, begins to process and prepare the masses, often spreading clearly incorrect provocative rumors, local organizations in most cases do not conduct any preparation or take measures for a widespread counter‐agitation.
In most cases, questions about closing churches are resolved by a narrow circle of people without prior clarification and without carrying out anti‐religious work. These decisions are being implemented in a purely administrative way.
Opportunities for mass demonstrations are completely neglected, and these performances come as a surprise to local organizations.
Recently, the process of closing churches has taken on a campaign character and is often carried out without taking into account the opportunities, conditions and degree of preparation of the population for this act, and equally without the knowledge of the relevant organizations.
Such campaigning work is especially harmful in areas where, on the basis of grain procurements and ongoing difficulties, the mood of some strata of the countryside is aggravated. In such cases, pressure on the church line is an accelerating shaping of the mood of the dissatisfied and a direct pretext for open mass demonstrations.
Eastern national republics and autonomous regions
Sentiment over Afghan events
In connection with the Afghan events in Tajikistan, the activity of antiSoviet elements has increased. Former Basmachi kurbashs 185, former emir officials, bai and clergy are intensively spreading provocative rumors, calling for action against the Soviet regime. The following points prevail in the performances of these elements:
“Soon the British will overthrow the kafir government 186. Sow more rice and bread, hide in barns so that you have something to meet our friends” (Karatag district). “Be brave, Ibrahim‐bek came to Mazar‐iSheriff, where he is organizing a gang to overthrow the communists” (Dushambi region). “Refuse to work in the Soviets, cooperatives, otherwise we will deal with you with the arrival of Ibrahim‐bek” (Yangi‐Bazar district), etc.
With a clear increase in the activity of anti‐Soviet elements in some border vilayets, Basmak gangs appeared. Their greatest activity was noted in the Garm vilayet, where the foreign gang Fusail Maksuma occupied Kalai‐Khumb and the vilayet center ‐ the city of Garm (the latter was captured by the gang for several hours). Only a small part of the local population supported the gang. On the whole, the population took a wait‐and‐see attitude, not daring to speak openly against Fusail Maksum. The workers who fell into the hands of the gang were brutally killed and thrown into the river. Pyanj. Three Tajik women were hanged in the city square, having removed their veil. As a result of the measures taken, the Basmachi were driven out of Garm and KalaiKhumb. The gang scattered across Afghanistan.
In Uzbekistan, with some reduction in mass conversations about the events in Afghanistan, there is an increasing use of them by anti‐Soviet elements in their agitation against Soviet power. Agitation is reduced mainly to foretelling the inevitable death of the Soviet regime. Rumors are spreading rapidly that ʺthe Bukhara emir, having received 4000 soldiers from England, will soon set out to capture Bukhara.ʺ AntiSoviet agitation is accompanied by threats to local activists and calls for terror. The following kind of threats have been registered: “England, having taken Afghanistan, will take the USSR too. We must prepare for the destruction of the people who served in the Soviet regime”, etc.
Craving for emigration from Turkmenistan
The most widespread anti‐Soviet agitation is observed in the Chardzhui and Kerkinsky districts. The gangs and the clergy are vigorously spreading rumors about the ʺimminentʺ end of Soviet power and the occupation of Turkmenistan by the British. In PakhtaBazar district, the dekhkans, fearing the development of the activity of the overseas gangs, are showing a desire to refrain from sowing. The tendency to refrain from field work is also noted among farmers along the river. Kashanke.
Emigrant sentiments in the Kerkinsky and Chardzhui districts are beginning to take on significant proportions. A large percentage of the emigrating middle peasant elements is characteristic of the Kerkinsky district. 120 farms in 19 auls of the okrug intend to emigrate to Afghanistan, 70 of them are middle peasants. In the Charjui District, emigration sentiments are prevalent mainly among the Baystva. In 7 auls, 72 farms were identified, preparing for emigration.
The growth of emigration sentiment is decisively influenced by the events in Afghanistan, in connection with which the bayism and the Muslim community are intensively spreading rumors about the impending fall of Soviet power. The following points also significantly contribute to the increase in the desire for emigration: the land management work carried out in some areas, the introduction of the class principle in khoshar 187 work, the unprofitability of karakul breeding, etc. Among those preparing to emigrate, there are conversations ʺabout good payment for karakul, the absence of fines and the abolition of taxes.ʺ Afghanistan. Rumors are spreading about the upcoming speech of the emir, in connection with which ʺa war will start and it will become impossible to live here.ʺ
In the Karlyuk region, the liquidation of the baysk farms in the adjacent regions of Uzbekistan has a significant impact on the mood of the bays. On this basis, a number of bays started distributing their property for safekeeping to their relatives, and they themselves are going to move closer to the border in order to go to Afghanistan in the event of a land reform in the Kerkinsky district.
Uzbekistan. Inactivity and negligence towards the work of regional seeding committees and workers of the land cooperative and Soviet apparatus are noted. The poor and middle peasants are not sufficiently organized around the campaign. Agitation and explanatory work (in particular, agitation for an increase in the cotton wedge) among the broad masses of dekhkans was not carried out at all in some places or was carried out in an obviously insufficient amount. The new law on unified agricultural tax is poorly popularized.
The control area of cotton is covered by applications for 97‐98%, as of April 15, 86% of the control area has been advanced. However, these results cannot be considered quite real. In a number of cases, local organizations, in pursuit of the plan, resorted to contracting forcibly, recorded and registered non‐existent cotton areas (Andijan District). In the Morchenan Cotton Association, there have been isolated cases of registration for cotton sowing of people who have absolutely no land (Fergana District).
In some places, the cotton area will not be sown due to the fact that some farmers, hoping to receive an agricultural loan, applied for a larger area, but then, having not received a loan, intend to sow a smaller area. In with. Chaldyr of the Karakul region on this soil, the cotton area is reduced by 100 tanapov (Bukhara region). However, such facts are not typical and, in general, the contracting of the area for cotton was successful.
The attitude of the population to the campaign. Bayte activity
The bulk of the dekhkans are positive about raising yields and expanding the cotton area. Discontent is caused by interruptions in the supply of crops and wheat to cotton growers. The cases that took place on the part of the poor and middle peasants for the reduction of the cotton area, as well as for the expansion of other crops at the expense of cotton, were caused mainly by the incessant agitation of the Bai‐antiSoviet elements. In the Canabad agriculture, the bai held a meeting at which it was decided to reduce the cotton sown area (Khojent district). As a result of the Bai agitation, there have been isolated cases of poor and middle peasants refusing to plant cotton and contracting (Bukhara, Khorezm, Andijan districts).
A number of canals and dams are in need of thorough repair. Cleaning of irrigation ditches and inspection of water systems are not performed. The inactivity of the district water farms is noted, which do not take timely measures to inspect hazardous areas and to prevent possible erosion. Several cases of erosion of dams, breakthroughs and threats of breakthrough at the heads of irrigation ditches were recorded 188. In the Kupala, Bonesyrkinsky and Yakka‐Tutsky agricultural communities, 1000 hectares of land are flooded with water. In the Kugaly agriculture, about 8000 tanaps of land are flooded (Fergana district).
There is a lack of manpower and building materials. In some places, when cleaning irrigation ditches, bai and well‐to‐do farmers were not involved in the performance of labor (Andijan, Tashkent districts). Agricultural loan
Discussion at the poor meetings of the lists for obtaining agricultural loans was less lively compared to last year. In some places, the lists were not at all considered at the meetings of the poor and plenary sessions of the village councils. In Tashkent, Ferghana, Khojent and other districts, loans for the purchase of draft animals and agricultural implements were sometimes given to bays, merchants, representatives of the religious community and other anti‐Soviet elements. At the same time, there were recorded cases of granting a loan to those who did not need it and using the loan for other purposes.
Agricultural equipment. Tractors
Slowness is noted in supplying cotton growers with agricultural implements. Applications for agricultural implements and tractors are not satisfied everywhere. In some places purchased agricultural equipment is not used due to the lack of small parts and harnesses. The delivery of European inventory is poorly organized. The necessary work is not being done to popularize the European inventory, which cotton growers do not know how to handle. Often, existing tractors deteriorate and stop due to poor‐quality repairs. A number of tractors are idle due to lack of combustible material or spare parts.
Bread supply to cotton growers
There is a shortage of bread in the Fergana and Khorezm districts. Lines of up to 400 people are created at bakeries. Individual cases of dehkans refusing to plant cotton due to interruptions in grain supply have been registered. The private trader uses the moment by inflating the price of bread. On the market in the mountains. Khiva, Khorezm District, wheat prices rise by 100% from morning to evening. Some cooperative organizations show negligence and sluggishness in fulfilling the directives of the five sowing crops on the issuance of wheat to poor farms (ibid.).
Turkmenistan. The sown area for cotton in 1929 was originally determined at 128,000 hectares with a harvest of 6,649,365 poods. raw. Later, by the decision of the Central Seeding Committee, this figure was reduced to 116,700 hectares with a collection of 6376,100 poods * of raw material. Cotton workers express concern that this figure will not be met, citing the fact that until recently the increase in the cotton wedge was due to the involvement of new sowers. An increase in them has a limit, but an increase in the area per sower to a large extent can lead to his failure to master it due to the lack of workers and livestock.
In a number of regions there is a danger of erosion of irrigation ditches, demolition of dams and destruction of drops. A number of ditches are heavily clogged and not cleaned. In some places, the Vodkhoz authorities do not care about taking timely measures to inspect hazardous areas and to prevent a catastrophe in case of floods. There is a lack of manpower and materials for repair work.
There is a discrepancy in the activities of organizations supplying cotton growers with European inventory: in a number of regions, the existing inventory is lying unused and, in addition, additional inventory has been brought in. There were registered cases of dehkans refusing to use European implements due to the fact that they do not know how to handle it (Bakharden district). Often, existing tractors are idle due to lack of spare parts.
In connection with the lack of explanatory work on the importance of observing the class principle in carrying out khoshar work, there is discontent on the part of the middle peasants, especially those with small families, with the latter. On this basis, a number of cases of dehkansʹ refusal from land plots were registered. In Denauzsky district the area of those who refused is 170 hectares of land. Baystvo is actively campaigning against the expansion of the cotton area and contracting, using the shortcomings that were made: forced contracting, etc.
* So, in the document
Responses to events in Hulin County
The Khuli events (see the review for the month of March) caused the activation of the kulak‐anti‐Soviet elements in the countryside. Under their influence, pupilsʹ attendance at school in a number of villages was stopped.
In with. Medzibka of Kedsky u. out of 25 people one girl goes to school.
In with. Ihemvani of Kobuleti district the girls almost stopped attending school, and those who do come back in the chador.
In Khulinsky and Kedsky u. many of the women who took off their veils closed again under the influence of threats from religious fanatics. Not limiting themselves to pressure in the sphere of everyday life, kulak‐anti‐Soviet elements openly reveal themselves in other areas as well.
In with. Vayo Kedsky u. at the instigation of anti‐Soviet elements, 15– 20 peasants came to a closed meeting of the Komsomol members, demanding to tell them the reason for the meeting. After the departure of this group, another appeared, with the direct purpose of dispersing the meeting. However, their attempt was unsuccessful.
In the villages of Tkhilnary, Agara, Karadera and others. Khulinsky u. several illegal meetings were held to discuss measures to combat the communists.
Political status of Akhaltsikhe district
In Akhaltsikhe district as early as the autumn of 1928 there was a significant activity of the kulak‐anti‐Soviet elements. During the period under review, the activity of the kulak‐anti‐Soviet elements increased and was directed mainly against anti‐religious measures and collective farm development. In the villages of Muskhi, Artsen, Kidi, Zveli, Tamala, Nyala, Mareli, Charal and others, protests of kulaks and former beks with threats against local activists, with calls for reprisals against communists, etc. have been and continue to be noted. Campaign to remove the veil caused rumors among the Turkic population of the district that, allegedly, all women who did not remove the veil and men who opposed the removal of the veil were arrested in Ajaristan. On this basis, actions hostile to the Soviet regime were noted not only by the kulaks, but also by some of the middle peasants and the poor.
The kulaks are especially fiercely opposed to collective farm construction, which was caused by the fear of taking away the surplus in land management, which in many areas is still far from complete. In some places, the opposition of the kulaks to collective‐farm construction took extremely active forms, leading to conflicts with the participation of middle peasants in certain villages and even certain groups of the poor.
In with. The Tamala (Armenian) kulak group, having agitated a group of middle peasants and, relying on some of the poor people who were dissatisfied with the provision of the worst plots of land to them, drew up a verdict against the organization of a collective farm, collected money by subscription for the walkers to the NKZ. The county Soviet party organizations did not take timely measures. Arrived on April 6 in the village. Tamala to the TEC chairman and assistant. chief of militia for the final assignment of land to the collective farm, the peasants at a general meeting staged an obstruction. There was an attempt to kill the arrivals, who were pelted with stones. One of the local party members shot into the crowd, hitting the leg of a peasant ‐ a participant in the meeting. The TEC chairman, an agronomist and local party members got off with bruises from stones. The peasants calmed down only after the arrival of the district representatives, who promised to send a commission to investigate the case.
A complete disregard for the mood of the population was shown by Soviet workers when they opposed the collective farm under the influence of kulak agitation in the village. They made a call, and a number of members of the village council supported the kulaks.
It should be noted that in all cases of manifestation of mass dissatisfaction with certain measures, the grassroots Soviet and party organizations did not take appropriate measures in a timely manner, did not take into account the situation, and with individual excesses contributed to the success of the anti‐Soviet agitation of the kulak‐antiSoviet elements.
In the Turkic districts of Akhaltsikhe district, where in OctoberNovember there was a great desire for resettlement to Turkey and cases of resettlement were registered, resettlement moods are intensifying again. Population with. Nyala, under the influence of the Muslim clergy and the kulaks, is intensively preparing to leave for Turkey.
Activity of anti‐Soviet elements in the Lenkoran district
In connection with the events held in Lankaran district. to remove the veil, transfer mosques to schools, tax pressure on the kulaks, etc., the kulak‐anti‐Soviet elements led an open agitation against the Soviet regime. Along with the spread of provocative rumors about the impending ʺoverthrow of Soviet power by the Britishʺ and the ʺreturn of the old regimeʺ, anti‐Soviet elements under the leadership of the Muslim religion actively agitated among the population to oppose the campaigns to remove the veil, close madrasahs, remove popes and other government measures in the countryside. At the same time, the need to unite all the Muslims for the overthrow of Soviet power and the defense of religion and Islam was promoted. This agitation, which swept the border strip of the district, sometimes met with sympathy among the population.
Simultaneously with the activation of the kulak‐anti‐Soviet elements outside the cordon, foreign gangs were trained for raids on our territory. At the beginning of April, several cases of transition of landscapes from Persia to the territory of Lankaran u., Accompanied by theft of cattle, were registered. The latter, however, was repulsed from the bandits who had fled during the pursuit in Persian territory.
National regions of the North Caucasus Territory
Performances on land soil in Chechnya and Karachai
To settle the land issue in the most disadvantaged areas in this respect, the regional centers of Chechnya and Karachay decided to start taking away land surpluses from the kulaks and giving them to the poor.
In the Vedeno District of Chechnya, where the existing land‐use order was the most enslaving, the poor at their meetings unanimously spoke about the immediate implementation of the decision of the Chech Executive Committee ‐ taking away the already identified land surplus from the kulaks and redistributing land before sowing. With the same requirements from almost all the auls of the district, the poor sent delegations to the district of IK. The undertaken measure aroused strong discontent among the kulaks, which, in the bloc with the Muslim spirituality, led an intensified counter‐escalation, resorting to intimidating the poor and middle peasants with the consequences of violating the ʺpublic peaceʺ, threatening to deprive them of material and religious support, claiming an inevitable war, the death of Soviet power, etc. As a result of this agitation in the village. Vedeno (district center) On April 5, a mass demonstration took place (up to 500 people took part), mainly of the poor and middle peasants, led by the old men who were under the fists. Demonstrators gathered from the three nearest auls (Dyshne‐Vedeno, Tauzen and Tazen‐Kale) in a categorical form ʺin order to avoid bloodshedʺ demanded not to take away the surplus, not to carry out any land redistribution before land management was carried out throughout Chechnya. Thus, the kulaks managed to lead the aul in some places, replacing the intra‐settlement land management with the issue of resolving land disputes between the auls. There were speeches that ʺthe poor now do not need land, but bread.ʺ At the same time, a protest telegram was sent from the speakers to the regional executive committee. The activity of the kulak‐antiSoviet elements terrorized to a certain extent not only the poor, but also the local authorities,
A performance on land grounds also took place in the Uch‐Kulan district of Karachay, where at the end of March the so‐called manor lands (gardening and arable) were redistributed in order to take away the surplus from the kulaks and endow them with the best and nearest plots at the expense of their poor. The shortcomings made by the district authorities in carrying out this work: the lack of an explanatory campaign, the provision of compiling lists of landlords to unreliable persons, insufficient consideration of the interests of the middle peasantry, etc., were widely used by the kulaks to arouse public opinion, primarily women, against land management. Among the female mass of the aul Uch‐Kulan, rumors were spread that the redistribution of land was aimed at organizing collective farms, where ʺ10 men and women would have to sleep under one blanket.ʺ In with. Kart‐Jurt (part of Uch‐Kulan) hosted an illegal meeting of the kulaks with the participation of three women, at which a plan was developed for an organized demonstration of women. As a result of all these actions of the kulaks, for 7 days small crowds of women demonstrated in the aul demanding the abolition of land management. Seeing that this did not achieve its goal, the kulaks resorted to provocations about the confiscation of the madrassah and the mosque, and the female ʺorganizersʺ simultaneously put forward a demand to provide the population with bread. As a result, on April 7, a mass demonstration of up to 400 people took place, which elected a delegation to the regional executive committee with demands: stop land management, give bread, not take away mosques and an Arab school, and restore ʺall citizens of societyʺ to elections. Womenʹs performances stopped only after the arrival of representatives of the region,
Preparations for spring sowing are proceeding at an insufficient pace. In some places, the lower Soviet apparatus has not yet come close to the practical implementation of their plans. There is a passive attitude to the campaign of the co‐party organizations and agricultural personnel. In a number of districts, the grain cleaning campaign is threatened with under‐meeting the target figures for grain cleaning.
Grain cleaning is especially weak in the Kazak regions. In terms of machine supply, there is an extremely slow implementation of plans for machine supply, agricultural implements and machinery arrive with a great delay against the planned dates.
Repeated changes by the regional organizations of their plans and orders served as the main brake in the successful implementation of the contracting of crops. The districts had to change their contracting plans five times. The delay in drawing up precise plans for the contracting had a negative impact on the timely disbursement of loans through the agricultural bank. Departmental inconsistency between Soyuzkhleb and Koopkhleb had a negative impact on the successful course of contracting. The obligatory exchange of food grain for seed also serves as a certain brake on contracting, which causes complaints from peasants, and in some places refusals to contract crops. The fact is that in some places the peasants sold all their grain surpluses, hoping that they would give seeds according to the experience of the previous year without any replacement.
The mood of the peasantry in connection with the new law on the unified agricultural tax
The new law on the unified agricultural tax is poorly popularized among the broad masses of the peasantry. In areas where the peasantry has already become familiar with the main changes in the law on the unified agricultural tax, this has a positive effect on the attitude of the middle peasants and poor peasants to the issue of expanding the cultivated area. Among the middle and poor peasants, there is some distrust of the invariability of the new tax at the time of its implementation.
The kulaks, taking advantage of the lack of awareness of the broad masses of the peasantry about the changes in the UAT, are trying in every possible way to sow distrust among the middle peasants and the poor towards the new law, campaigning for a reduction in the cultivated area, emphasizing the severity of the taxation last year and spreading rumors about an even greater increase in the UAT this year.
“You cannot trust the Soviet government. She is deceiving us. They only write that they will not charge for the increased sowing tithe, but as you increase the sown area, this law will be canceled. ʺ
Grain harvesting campaign
The April grain procurement plan in the region was fulfilled by 30.4%. Despite the use of methods of economic pressure on holders of large grain surpluses (boycott, increase in self‐taxation amounts, etc.), bread continues to be adhered to or exported in small lots (5‐10 poods each). In some kulak farms, grain reserves range from 300 to 2000 poods. (Syr‐Darinsky, Aktobe, Akmola, Kustanaysky, Urals districts). The withdrawal of the surplus is made difficult by the fact that the holders of the latter begin to hide bread in pits, keep it unmilled, and distribute it for safekeeping to relatives and the poor. Boycotted kulaks in every possible way evade the export of grain surpluses. It should be noted the activity shown by the poor and the underpowered middle peasants in identifying the harvesters of bread.
The directives to strengthen grain procurements among some workers of the lower Soviet, party and cooperative apparatuses caused confusion, and in some cases even passive resistance to their implementation. Demobilization sentiments among some of the workers in the procurement apparatus have not yet been eliminated. In the villages of Nikitichma, Uvarovo, Skalistom of the Semipalatinsk district, the cells of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks passed resolutions on the impossibility of fulfilling grain procurement plans, arguing that there was no grain surplus.
At the same time, a number of excesses were recorded in the methods of grain procurement (bypassing barns, boycotting the middle peasants and the poor, etc.). Measures to increase the rate of procurement caused an increase in the anti‐Soviet activity of the kulaks. Agitating among the peasants against the export of grain, the kulaks distribute antiSoviet leaflets (Petropavlovsk district), terrorize the workers of the procurement and Soviet apparatus, the poor and agricultural activists working on procurement. In with. Zevakino of the Semipalatinsk district took place a protest organized by the kulaks in response to the measures of the economic boycott. In stts. Presnovka of the Petropavlovsk district was killed by a Komsomol member who took an active part in the grain procurement campaign.
Internal national republics
Sowing campaign. Activities of local organizations
The inconsistency in the work of the individual organizations entrusted with the campaign jeopardizes the work of sorting and dressing seeds (Bashkiria). The inactivity and negligence of the co‐party organizations and agricultural personnel are noted. Red tape with the transfer of seeds, a delay in the delivery of grain, irrational transfers, caused discontent and a lot of complaints from all segments of the population (Bashkiria, Tataria). At the same time, a number of excesses and distortions have been registered: compulsory contracting, etc.
There are large interruptions in the seed supply. In some places, money is released for the purchase of seeds, and since grain procurement organizations do not have seeds, they have to buy them from a private owner at high prices, and, therefore, in insufficient quantities. In Yelabuga parish. N. Chelninsky canton due to the lack of clover and timothy seeds, the transition area in the multifield has been reduced from 16,000 hectares to 8,000 hectares. In the Nurlatsky district of the Chistopol canton, due to a lack of seeds, grass cultivation plans are thwarted (Tataria). There is a supply of poor‐quality seeds (low germination and condition). On this basis, a number of cases of refusal to receive seeds were recorded, not only from individual farms, but also from collective farms (Bashkiria).
Sorting and dressing seeds
There is a weak rate of sorting and dressing of seeds due to the lack of the required amount of formalin, sorting machines, insufficient explanation of the benefits of sorting and dressing seeds and the agitation of kulaks and the wealthy against grain cleaning. In some districts, the seed sorting plan is only 40‐50% fulfilled (Bashkiria).
The successful course of contracting in Tataria is hampered by repeated changes by Tatnarkomzem to the contracting plans and the inconsistency of plans with the specifics of individual regions. In the Bugulma canton, contracting is proceeding poorly due to lack of funds. Everywhere the kulaks are conducting intensified agitation against contracting. Under the influence of kulak agitation, as well as due to the lack of a sufficient explanatory campaign, cases of peasantsʹ refusal to contract were registered. At the same time, a number of cases of fists breaking up meetings on the issue of contracting were registered.
Campaign opposition from the kulaks
The kulaks launched a broad agitation against expanding the sowing wedge and raising yields. The kulaks are especially harshly attacking collective farm construction, using mainly women to openly speak out and oppose collectivization measures (Bashkiria). Under the influence of kulak agitation, tendencies of a certain part of the middle peasantry to reduce crops were noted. At the same time, the kulaks are trying to sow distrust among the broad masses of the new law on the unified agricultural tax, using the general weakness of popularizing the latter.
In the Arsk canton, peasants from 6 villages of the Kulle‐Kaminsky parish. As a result of the agitation of the kulaks, they categorically
refused to go over to the multifield (Tataria).
A similar case of fists breaking off the question of switching to a multifield was noted in Yadrinskii. Chuvashia.
The April plan for Bashkiria was fulfilled by 32.6%. On April 25, 1322 thousand poods were received. harntsevoy collection, which is 44% of the planned target. A weak supply of garnets collection will negatively affect the supply of bread to the poor. Grain procurements are adversely affected by the malicious delay of grain surpluses by the kulaks, fears of crop failure due to unsuccessful sprouting in some regions of winter crops, the activity of private traders and speculators with insufficient activity of the grassroots apparatus. Among the workers of the Soviet and procurement apparatus, ʺdemobilizationʺ moods have not been eliminated. At the same time, a number of excesses were noted, expressed in intimidation of peasants who did not surrender grain, etc.
On the whole, the poor and middle peasants approve of measures to increase the rate of procurement. Only in isolated cases did individual poor and middle peasants, fearing a repetition of food difficulties, speak out against the continuation of grain procurements (Ufa, Belebeevsky, Mesyagutovsky cantons).
Speeches in connection with the closure of churches and mosques
During April, cases of organized protests against the closure of churches and mosques continued. In most cases, the speeches were inspired and guided by the kulak‐anti‐Soviet elements and the clergy. Along with this, in many cases, the closure of churches and mosques was not accompanied by sufficient preparation of public opinion and had the character of a purely administrative measure. The unpreparedness and tactlessness of local organizations in Bizhbulyak Volost was most clearly manifested. Belebey canton.
In with. Kamenka Bizhbulyaksky VIK made an attempt to close the church due to the fact that the term by which the church was to be repaired had expired. The crowd of believers, threatening the initiators of the closure, beat some of the activists. Of those arrested by the police,
12 “ringleaders” 10 were released as mistakenly arrested.
Similar phenomena were noted in the village. Kosh‐Elga and in five other churches in Bizhbulyak parish.
In total, over 100 churches and mosques were closed in Bashkiria by the end of April, and in most cases the closure was carried out without the appropriate registration and approval of the Bashkir Central Executive Committee. As a result, the believers, driven by the clergy and kulaks, begin to receive numerous complaints about the Bashkir Central Executive Committee, the Peopleʹs Commissariat for Internal Affairs and other central bodies. Cases of sending walkers to the Bashkir Central Election Commission have become more frequent.
In a number of cases, representatives of the clergy and kulaks successfully organize the masses against the closure of churches and mosques, provoking mass demonstrations (for more details see Appendix [No. 4]).
Emigration sentiments among the Buryat population of the western and eastern aimags of Buryat‐Mongolia continue to be observed until very recently. Lamstvo, together with the kulaks, is intensifying agitation among the population, calling for emigration to Mongolia. At the same time, the lamstry widely practices predictions and the dissemination of letters ʺwarning sinsʺ (ʺaboralsʺ). Particularly strong agitation of the lamas and kulaks was noted in the V. Uda region, where as a result of widespread rumors about the impending Japanese intervention and the fall of Soviet power, anxiety was registered among the main strata of the population. The newly organized commune of 50 people collapsed on the same soil. In Aginsky aimag, as well as in the Borzinsky region and the Novaya Zarya somon (Chita okrug) the kulaks and lamstry enjoy particular success due to the weakness of the grassroots co‐party organizations. In the Mukhor‐Shibirsky and Selenginsky aimags, a further growth of emigration sentiments is noted. At the same time, those intending to emigrate refrain from preparing for the spring sowing campaign, and herders who previously sowed green oats189 did not make any applications. From the SobotkoKharyansk somon of the Selenga aimag, 10 households migrated to the territory of Outer Mongolia in early April. Five households migrated from the ulus of V. Sarama and Chikoisky zhaglosor, including the former secretary of the Komsomol cell. From the somons Kyrensky, Murochinsky, Kharlunsky, Kudrinsky and U. Urluksky migrated 10 yards.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU
* The document is signed by Kucherov.
Appendix No. 1. Anti‐Soviet leaflets, appeals, anonymous letters reflecting the growth of anti‐Soviet activity of the urban non‐working population
In Stalingrad, a letter was taken from the mailbox addressed to the ʺChiefʺ.
The content of the letter: “We do not know who the head of the city is and the main one, but we are all terribly outraged that the authorities so basely betrayed the separation of the church from the state. We do not harm you, despite the fact that we rob us, take away our houses and property, strangle us with taxes, and torment us very much. You do not know what hatred we all feel towards you for attacking churches and Orthodox Christians. The churches only teach good things, not to rob and not to debauchery and not to kill, respect the elders, and what is being done here. Well, the power, it should be worse, but impossible. They drank all our blood and all became nervous from living with the Bolsheviks. We all curse you. Come to your senses, leave our churches alone, do not attack the Orthodox, otherwise we will not give blessings to our sons for the war. We donʹt give a damn about your clubs, donʹt touch our churches, we ask you again. More than a hundred of us gathered in the hut, the groan and terrible cry of people for the church tears the soul apart. We remember the kingʹs father, what a good life was with him. Everything was cheap and everything was. They did not attack either the church or the genealogy of people, as now. Oh, king, king, we cry for you bitterly. Alas, now you are gone, no freedom. Come to your senses, insane power, you torture people on your neck” (Stalingrad).
An anonymous letter was sent to the editorial office of the Smychka newspaper:
“You are all citizens of the Communards, what do you think about the future, where we have bread. You sold bread abroad, and you want to feed us with straw. The whites had plenty of bread, and you have one Central Committee membership card. There is poverty everywhere, everything is sold abroad.
If you want to save yourself behind the peasantʹs skin, you will not take bread from the peasant by force for a long time. We will run out of patience and we will raise arms against the prison authorities and help other foreign powers to curtail this violent government. Down with all the punks. Long live the White Terror ʺ(Verkhne‐Kamsky District, Ural).
Anonymous letters were sent to the Irkutsk prosecutor and deputy chairman of the executive committee:
“Why does the prosecutorʹs supervision not take any measures against the impending hunger strike? Is it not a state crime to deliberately doom one hundred million inhabitants to starvation in favor of a handful (one and a quarter million) of communist adventurers who want to prove that they will live happily ever after without capital? The communists are prudent, they took away all the grain from the peasants, sold part of it, and rotted part of it. What if not a death sentence to all “dissidents””.
“The comrades jumped around, again they started an all‐Russian hunger strike, but one hunger strike is not enough for the communists. What have you done with the people, after all, you cannot kill everyone and feed only the communists, or all hope for the Red Army, or, like Nicholas II, answer with machine guns? Arenʹt you mistaken as Nikolai was? It is not for nothing that the people call you bastards and scoundrels in gratitude for the granted freedom. ʺ
A letter was sent to the chairman of the Yenakiyevo regional executive committee:
“Comrade Ivanenko, I warn you not to touch upon the closure of churches, this is your death. The churches do not bother you. They are separate from the state, do not touch them. That some trash of the Komsomols signed on the workshops, and the communists and the forced believers ‐ it does not matter. Know that patience is running out. Enough to deceive people and ruin Russia. Soon you have to give an answer where you put the valuables, bread, leather, lard, meat and other products, and thus staged hunger along with the cooperative thieves. Know, for this you are not assigned the Parisian guillotine, but blast furnaces, axes, ropes and fires. Itʹs time to eliminate the arbitrariness and violence perpetrated by thieves and murderers” (Artyomovskiy district).
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU
* The document is signed by Kucherov.
Appendix No. 2. Grain procurement
Excesses and distortions of the class principle in grain procurement
Pugachevsky district. (NVKray). In a number of villages in the Lukhovnitsky and Dergachevsky districts, rural grain procurement commissions carried out mass searches and inspections of barns in order to identify the presence of grain surpluses. Searches were also carried out in the poor and middle peasants, which surrendered all the surplus. Regardless of this, these farms were additionally covered with bread (from 30 to 100 poods or more).
In with. Ostryi Luki, the grain procurement commissioner, arrested the middle peasants who refused to export additional grain.
In the villages of Orlovka, Brykovka and others, there were isolated cases when, under the pressure of the specially authorized regional executive committee, the middle peasants exported seed grain, passed through a trier and subject to delivery to the semifond.
Similar facts have been registered in the Volskiy, Kamyshinskiy and Stalingrad districts.
Penza district. (SVO). The Volsky village council of the Mokshansk district, on the issue of boycotting 13 people ‐ malicious non‐donors of bread, issued the following resolution: ... Their families, traitors to the cause of the workers ʹand peasantsʹ government, should also be boycotted in all state, cooperative and public organizations.
Not a single Soviet institution: the village council, the post office has the right to enter into any kind of relations with these enemies of the Soviet power. Not a single store, cooperation has the right to sell one or another product to them. A hospital, a pharmacy, a veterinary center have no right to treat them, or to dispense medicine for them, either free or paid.
Schools undertake, within 3 days from the date of this order, to exclude children boycotted from the school and from now on not to accept anyone from their families and close relatives to school.
Inform about the boycott of these citizens to all other educational institutions, if their children study there, with a view to excluding them from school. If the family members of these traitors serve anywhere, then remove them from work. If their family members serve in the Red Army, report the boycott to the appropriate unit. If these people are members of public organizations, exclude them from the membership immediately. Officials noticed in non‐compliance with this decision will be dismissed directly by the village council, or by higher authorities. A boycott will also be declared to those who will in one way or another help these traitors ‐ the enemies of the working class and the working peasantry.
All officials should be responsible for checking the boycott, as well as for the general supervision of the boycott to all members of the village council and a detachment of ʺlight cavalry of the RKI school of the 2nd stage.ʺ
Kupyansky District (Ukraine). In a number of village councils of Senkovsky, Olshansky, Kupyansky and Kabansky districts, workers of the procurement and Soviet apparatus used inadmissible methods in grain procurement, which in some places took the form of surplus appropriation.
Along with this, peasants were summoned to the village councils for ʺnegotiationsʺ, accompanied by threats against those who refused to export grain surpluses, decisions were made to deprive them of their land allotment and expulsion from the district, the children of boycotted peasants were expelled from schools, etc.
Poltava district. In the M. Solontsovsky zemsovstvo of the Kustalovsky village council, a general meeting of villagers was convened on the issue of exporting grain. At the end of the meeting, 12 well‐to‐do peasants were arrested and asked to withdraw their surplus. After refusing to export grain, they were tied up and left in this position until they expressed their consent to hand over the grain surplus, and some of them were also beaten.
In the Gorabtsovsky village council, the malicious non‐donors of bread were also subjected to all sorts of bullying: they spat in their faces, at the meeting at which they were present, they forced them to sit on the floor, get up and sit down several times, demanded that they vote to show which of them was for Soviet power and so on, threatening at the same time to “tear the skin off them,” and so on.
A similar thing happened in a number of villages in the Vasilkovsky district of the Dnepropetrovsk district.
Chelyabinsk District (Ural). In the village Kichishinsky, V.‐Uralsky district, guardians are posted at all water sources in the morning to prevent boycotted people from using water.
In with. The old manʹs party cell forbade the boycotted wealthy to use water from his well (by locking it).
In with. The Chumlyak of the Shchuchansky district, the party cell forced all non‐donors of bread to hang on their necks boards with the inscriptions: ʺI am a malicious bread‐maker, I do not want to hand over bread to the state, I want to starve the workers and the poorʺ, and drove them with these boards from one village to another until then, until the peasant agrees to take out the grain.
Shadrinsky district. In with. Krasnoisetsky, Dolmatovsky district, the authorized RIK calls the peasants into the school premises at night and forces them to surrender their surplus, regardless of the actual availability of grain reserves. As a result, individual middle peasants were forced to take out seed.
A similar thing took place in the Staro‐Utkinsky village council of the Artinsky district, where the purveyors proposed to rake out the seeds: “let the sowing area decrease ‐ if only the plan was fulfilled”.
Novosibirsk District (Siberia). The grain procurement officers in the villages of Karachuzhevo, Yarki, Zimovye and others arrested 10 peasants, most of whom are middle peasants, solely because, when inspecting the barns, they declared that ʺthere is no grain, and the inventory is foreign.ʺ In with. Karachuzhevo arrested two women for refusing to give the keys to the barn.
Achinsk district. April 17 in the village. Kolytovo, Nazarovsky district, kulaks and well‐to‐do people arbitrarily convened their meeting to discuss the issue of making an inventory of the property of malicious non‐donors of grain. This meeting then resulted in a massive antiSoviet protest. A crowd of 300 people demanded the convening of a general meeting and the abolition of the inventory of property. After the explanation, the crowd dispersed. On the second day, April 18, a crowd of 400 peasants gathered again, making the same demands.
In the village. Vershinka Tyazhinsky District on April 16, a crowd of 100 women obstructed the inventory of the property of the kulaks, dispersed the auction and threatened to kill the chairman of the village council.
In the village. Oidashke of Achinsk district, when confiscating surplus grain from two kulaks, the latter resisted. A crowd of 70 women, incited by their fists, did not allow the seizure of bread, threatening to kill the policeman.
Minusinsk district. Der. N. Mikhailovka is economically powerful, with agriculture and cattle breeding. In total, there are 371 households in the village, of which 67 are kulak and wealthy, 224 are middle peasants and 80 are poor.
There are no party‐Komsomol organizations in the village. Cultural and educational work is poorly carried out, especially poorly organized mass work among the poor and farm laborers.
The population is greatly influenced by a group of sectarian Baptists, which unites 36 households, mostly kulaks and well‐to‐do people. In December 1928, kulaks and prosperous villages under the leadership of the Baptists Lazovsky (a handicraftsman, a former member of the AllUnion Communist Party of Bolsheviks) and the kulak Adabash tried to disrupt the re‐election campaign of the Soviets, trying to bring their proteges to the village council. In addition, those mentioned opposed the self‐taxation campaign, campaigning against the payment of the due payments.
For the entire period of the grain procurement campaign of 19281929. kulaks and well‐to‐do villages stubbornly held back grain surpluses, as a result of which the grain procurement plan was carried out at the expense of the middle peasant farms. During the expansion of grain procurements in the countryside, a number of measures were taken in relation to the kulaks, who were boycotting grain procurements. Were involved in multiple taxation of 54 kulakprosperous farms, of which three of 61 st. CC 190 with the confiscation of property, among these three farms, the mastermind of the kulakprosperous elite of the village, Adabash Yevsey, was brought to justice.
In order to prevent the sale of the property of the convicted kulaks of the village, Adabash and Lazovsky began to intensively restore the population of the village against grain procurements. On April 11, the day of the auction, in the morning, groups of peasants (men and women) began to gather in the streets, among whom there was talk about the alleged ʺwrong actions of the grain procurement commissioners, ruining the peasants, selling the peasantsʹ property on their own initiative, contrary to the instructions of the center.
Around 12 noon. of the day, out of the total mass of peasants gathered in the street, at the instigation of Adabash and Lozovsky, a crowd of up to 200 people stood out, which went to the apartment of the grain procurement officials Semyonov and Agapov, several men joined the crowd, but most of them in groups scattered around the apartment of the grain procurement officials watching the actions of women. From the crowd that approached the house, 50 people (women) stood out, who, having entered the apartment, demanded that the authorized representatives explain the reason for taking property from the kulaks. The women shouted: ʺYou robbers, give us the paper of the central government, on the basis of which you collect cattle from the peasants, we have no kulaks, but only the middle peasants and they do not exploit us, but even help out with bread.ʺ Seeing that the delegates do not want to go to the square,
At that time, from the crowd that remained on the street, there were shouts: ʺPour kerosene, set Shcherbonʹs house on fire so that he does not let him into his apartment and does not feed the authorized representatives.ʺ
The crowd demanded the immediate return of the property confiscated from the kulaks, which was done by an authorized regional troika who came to the village, as a result of which the unrest was liquidated. The initiators of the speech were arrested.
Appendix No. 3. Mass demonstrations on religious grounds
Rossoshansk district. (TsCHO). In with. Lykovo, Podgorensky district, April 26, p. d. at a general meeting convened on the issue of grain procurement, one of the poor made a proposal to evict a local priest from the village council for hooliganism, extortion, drunkenness and debauchery. This proposal was accepted by the meeting.
The next morning, the priest called a meeting of believers through the church leader 191 under the guise of a divine service. Up to 200 people attended the meeting. The priest and the deacon appealed to the audience with an appeal to take appropriate measures to prevent the implementation of the resolution of the general meeting, pointing out that ʺthe village council closes the church without asking anyone.ʺ After the meeting, the crowd, led by a priest, a deacon, and a group of kulaks and merchants, went shouting ʺhurrayʺ to the village council. Bursting into the premises of the village council, the leaders of the crowd shouted: “Hit the Soviets. We need to show how to close a church.” At the same time, the deacon shouted: ʺBeat the atheists.ʺ
At this time, the chairman and secretary of the village council were in the village council. When the crowd burst in, the secretary of the village council tried to flee, but a priest standing at the door hit him in the chest. Fearing reprisals, the secretary and the chairman of the village council locked themselves in one of the rooms. Pop and one of the kulaks, knocking on the door, shouted: ʺWe do not obey the Soviets and do not recognize them.ʺ
The crowd dispersed only after they saw a courier leave the village.
Kozlovsky district. In with. Lomov, Ranenburg district, due to a typhus epidemic, by order of the RIK on April 25, all public institutions of the village, as well as the church, were closed. A special meeting was called on this issue, to which about 1,500 people attended.
After the speech of a member of the RIK, a local priest spoke out, who began to urge the peasants to disobey the decision of the RIK and invited them to follow him in order to discuss the issue of closing the church at their meeting. Most of those present, under the influence of the priest, left the meeting.
The chairman of the village council, having in his hands the order of the RIK, closed the church. At the moment when the church was being closed, the priest sounded the alarm. The gathered crowd of peasants tried to kill the chairman of the village council. However, he managed to escape to the mountains. Ranenburg.
AMSSR (Ukraine). In 1924 the religious community with. Glinny Slobodzeya region started building a church. Until 1929 the foundation of the church was laid and the walls were raised up to 4‐5 meters.
At the re‐election meeting in January p. A decree was issued ‐ the unfinished building of the church should be dismantled in order to use all the material for the construction of a new school. Slobodzeya RIK, prior to the approval of this resolution by the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars of the AMSSR and only having previously coordinated this issue with the representative of the NVKD of the AMSSR, ordered the church building to be dismantled, having concluded an agreement with the workers. The latter arrived to work in the village on March 27, 1929.
This became known to the local priests Dobrovolsky and Lyubinsky, who, having gathered the members of the community, invited them to notify all citizens in order to prevent the dismantling of the church, and Dobrovolsky, addressing Mr. Aprinchan, said: “I give you this order: go home and tell all the peasants to be at the church and disperse the workers, tell them to stock up on stones and beat everyone who tries to start dismantling ʺand promised him to pay for the fulfillment of this order, but when he refused, Dobrovolsky said:ʺ For disobedience I will publicly disgrace you. ʺ
On March 27, the workers went out to dismantle the walls, but at that time women began to run, who, having gathered in numbers of up to 300 people, pushing back the workers, threatened reprisals to those who would start work. The podkulachnik Mers H. immediately spoke, who called not to allow the church to be dismantled, saying: ʺThe Soviet government has nothing to interfere in our affairs, its business is small here.ʺ As a result, the workers were driven away, and the tools they brought were plundered from their homes.
On the night of March 27, priest Lyublinsky * gathered kulaks in his apartment and held a meeting where it was decided not to allow the church to be dismantled, for which purpose there should be a watchman to guard the building.
All nights on March 28, 29, and 30, there was a guard of 20‐30 women outside the church building; among the women there were also men (from kulaks) dressed in womenʹs dresses. Wine was delivered to those who guarded the kulaks so that the guards were more alert and did not sleep.
In the afternoon of March 30, a crowd of women (250 people) gathered at the church again, among which exclamations were heard: ʺWe will die, but we will not surrender the church, let them come with machine guns and shoot at us.ʺ
On the initiative of the kulaks and local priests, the peasants began to collect money for the completion of the church, and the kulaks imposed self‐taxation on each farm for 100 rubles.
From the moment the bagpipes appeared, that is, from March 27 to March 30, no measures were taken by the local authorities, and only at the insistence of the OGPU bodies, the secretary of the district party committee left for the village, which convened a meeting of the KNS, which issued a resolution to petition for the dismantling of the church.
Buguruslan District (SVO). In with. Knots of the Korovinsky District
April 18, p. Mr. Kaldymov, an authorized district committee of the AllUnion Communist Party of Bolsheviks, arrived to hold a two‐week party study. The Korovinsky district committee of the CPSU (b) instructed Kaldymov to use his stay in the village to carry out antireligious work, seeking the removal of the newly rebuilt church for cultural institutions.
Upon arrival in the village on April 18 and 19, Kaldymov holds two poor meetings, at which he raises the question of confiscating the church. The majority of those present spoke in favor of the proposal to withdraw the church.
On April 20, Kaldymov summoned a local priest and invited him on April 21 to speak at a dispute on the topic: ʺWho does religion and the church serve?ʺ Pop agreed to this. However, on that day in the evening, reporting the dispute to the church headman, he said that he did not intend to speak and suggested for this purpose, on behalf of the church council, to call a priest from the village. Kulaginsky, who has repeatedly spoken at the debates. As a result, a letter was sent to the latter on behalf of the religious society and the church council, announcing the dispute.
Upon arrival of the priest from the village. Kulaginsky in the house of the deacon s. Knots, a meeting of the churchmen was organized, at which the question of speaking at the dispute and the confiscation of the church was discussed. Moreover, the members of the church council widely launched agitation among believers so that they all came to the debate to defend the church. The church head told the believers: ʺThere will be a dispute and the church will be taken away, everyone must come and not give the church away.ʺ
On April 21, at 12 oʹclock in the afternoon, up to 700 peasants gathered for a dispute at the building of the Chechen Commissariat. The leader of the circle of atheists 192, who opened the dispute, was greeted by the audience with shouts: ʺShow us the atheists, we will look at them.ʺ His proposed Presidium candidates failed and passed candidates nominated by a group of churchmen, including the chairman of the church council, the church headman, a member of the church council, and a former mill tenant.
After the opening of the dispute, both priests appeared, and the priest s. Uzeli, addressing the audience, said that he would not speak, as he had a toothache, and asked to allow the priest from the village. Kulaginsky. The latter, in turn, said that he would act on condition that the believers write him an ʺauthorizationʺ. The “authorization” was written to him and he agreed to speak.
Kaldymov, who made a report, spoke for about 10‐15 minutes, since those present at the meeting, under the influence of the churchmenʹs agitation, did not allow him to speak any more. During his speech shouts were heard: “Heʹs lying. Down with him”, etc.
After Kaldymov, the pop village spoke. Kulaginsky, who said in his speech: “Laypeople, look who we are dealing with ‐ an atheist and this atheist is cattle, and cattle have no reason and thinking. The speaker is a fool and has defiled the Christian faith with satanic words, but you, like a stone, keep silent. How long will you be without languages? Before us is a well‐fed sheep, crap on a bare splint, he is full, dressed, and spring meets you without seeds and bread. This fool can only lie, he did not work and does not know how to approach the plow, but we peasants take the rap. My sons were five in the civil war and they were all killed, and the communists were in the rear and now they are stirring up you. He calls us peasants dark and says that we are deceivers, but you ask this fool where the truth is ‐ at the atheists or at us. He refers to science, and science is not one. The atheists themselves are not even united in spirit and swear among themselves. No, brothers, we believe in religion, and religion serves God. Now ask who the atheists serve ‐ they serve only themselves and Satan,” and so on. Kaldymov tried to speak again, but the crowd did not allow him to speak. Pop c. Knot and clergy urged believers to deal with Kaldymov. Under the influence of their agitation, the women shouted: “Down with the Antichrist. Down with the atheist”, etc. Moreover, the wife of the candidate of the All‐Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) who was present at the dispute broke her teeth.
When the crowd dispersed, the chairman of the church council, addressing the group of women, said: ʺYou go back and demand the minutes of the meeting of the poor about the closure of the church and the list of atheists.ʺ Together with him, the women went to the head of the circle of atheists ‐ a member of the Komsomol and demanded from him a list of atheists and the protocols of the poor peasantsʹ meetings. However, they managed to take away only the protocols from him.
Responsible under Art. 59‐7 of the Criminal Code, 12 people are involved, including: two priests, a deacon, the chairman of the church council, the church headman, one of the members of the church council (he is also the chairman of the village councilʹs revolutionary commission), a former tenant of the mill, the son of a kulak and two poor people.
Pugachevsky district. In with. Ershovo On April 22, a meeting of peasants was held to discuss the closure of the churches in the village. Of the 500 people present at the meeting, only three voted against the proposal to close the churches.
The next day, at a meeting of women delegates, the local ʺUnion of Atheistsʺ delivered a report ʺWoman and Religionʺ. Up to 400 people attended the report, and a significant part of those present were the wives of the ʺdisenfranchisedʺ, led by a group of traders. In an effort to disrupt the report, they made a fuss. From their side, shouts were heard: ʺWe do not need to read the report, we will not allow the church to be closed anyway.ʺ
One of the ʺdisenfranchisedʺ, speaking before the audience without the permission of the presidium of the meeting, said: ʺI am a former commander and defended the revolution, we will not allow the church to be closed, but if they do, we will deal with them.ʺ Supporting him, two merchants shouted: ʺThe speaker needs to knock his head off and cover with an oak lid.ʺ
Since the ʺdisenfranchisedʺ speaker was drunk, at the suggestion of the presidium he was taken out of the room. A crowd of 200 people, speaking in his defense, shouted: “Hit the communists. Letʹs not close the church. ʺ
The initiators of this speech were a local priest and a group of members of the church council, who had previously held meetings of believers in apartments and in the church.
On April 24, three traders and a priest were arrested by the police as participants and instigators of the breakdown of the report. Upon learning of the arrest, 200 women came to the police building and demanded the release of those arrested. From their side, there were threats against the police officers. In the evening of the same day, those arrested were released.
Ulyanovsk District. In with. Lebyazhye of the Melekessky district, the village council decided to withdraw the church gatehouse under the hut‐reading room. This resolution of the village council coincided with the adoption of the target figures for grain procurements in the village in the amount of 12,000 poods. and the allocation of land for the newly organized collective farm. A certain aggravation was introduced by the village council, which, in order to induce the believers to give up the church gatehouse, presented the church council with a demand for payment of rent for it for 5 years in the amount of 700 rubles. The clergy, having learned about the alleged withdrawal of the gatehouse, launched a wide campaign against this, raising the issue for discussion of believers in the church during services, in private conversations with peasants and at meetings of the church council.
On April 24, when the village council convened a meeting of peasants to formalize the allocation of land to the collective farm, the church council decided to convene a meeting of believers to discuss the issue of withdrawing the church gatehouse. The representatives of the church council, notifying the peasants about the meeting of believers, told them: ʺGo to the meeting, the church is being taken away.ʺ An hour later, a crowd of about 3,500 peasants gathered and shouted, ʺWe must kill the communists, the secretary of the cell and the chairman of the village council,ʺ went to the village council. The former chairman of the church council (kulak), inciting the crowd to excesses, shouted: ʺRing the alarm, more people will gather to deal with the communists and the village council for the selection of the church.ʺ
The chairman of the village council, who came out to the crowd, announced that a meeting would be held on the campaign. In response, the crowd shouted: ʺDown with the sowing campaign, letʹs talk about the church.ʺ Moreover, there were attempts to drag the chairman of the village council from the rostrum. A member of the village council, Shchuplova, who was with the chairman of the village council, the crowd pulled from the rostrum, shouting: ʺAnd she voted for 12,000 poods. Beat her.ʺ
The secretary of the district committee who arrived at this time in order to calm the crowd announced that the resolution of the village council on the withdrawal of the gatehouse was canceled. However, this had no effect, and the crowd, incited by the churchmen, attacked him and tried to pull him off the podium, shouting: ʺHe is the same communist and also lies.ʺ
Fearing lynching, local communists locked themselves in the village council.
The crowd went to the reading room193 and burst in there, broke the furniture, tore up all the posters, and only dispersed in the evening.
Mordovian district. In with. Chelpanovo Kozlovsky district on April 2 at 8 oʹclock. In the morning, a crowd of 60 women approached the building of the village council and demanded that the chairman of the village council explain why the village council wants to close the local church and why they were “all registered as communists”. To this, the chairman of the village council announced that no one was going to close the church and that no one was registering them as communists, indicating that these were provocative rumors.
Among those who came, a former nun (deprived of election rights), whom the chairman of the village council detained, was especially active. However, this had an exciting effect on the women, and the chairman of the village council was forced to let her go, after which the women dispersed.
After some time, the women, incited by the clergy, who declared that it was necessary to call a meeting of women and go to the village council in order to achieve a final decision on the closure of the church, began to gather again to the village council. And this time a crowd of 300‐400 people gathered. Shouts were heard from the crowd: “Down with Soviet power,” “Down with taxes from the priest,” etc., as well as against grain procurements and threats against the chairman of the village council.
The chairman of the village council, in order to calm the crowd, called the local priest through the village executor and invited him to announce to the audience about the actual state of the issue of closing the church. But the priest, however, refused to do so, stating that he could speak to believers only in church. After the priest left, the women attacked the agricultural contractor for following the priest and beat him.
On the eve of April 1, an illegal meeting of women was held in the village, at which the issue of closing the church was discussed, and the need to prevent the village council from interfering in church rituals was indicated. At the same meeting, women delegates were selected, who called women to the village council on April 2. 12 people were arrested in the case, including 8 kulaks.
In with. Dyurki of Atyashevsky district at the end of March from the mountains. Monks arrived in Alatyr with a miraculous icon of the Mother of God, with which they went to the homes of believers. At the end of the tour, a religious meeting was organized, to which the local candidate of the CPSU (b) Kortikov was invited. The dispute between the clergy and Kortikov took an acute form. Moreover, the latter, proving that the miraculous icon was a deception of the clergy, shot it with a revolver. Those present, excited by Kortikovʹs act, pounced on him and tried to stab him.
The believers called by the alarm tried to arrange lynching over Kortikov and he was forced to flee to the village council, pursued by the crowd. Lynching was prevented by the intervention of the chairman of the village council.
Orenburg district. In the hut. Stepanovo‐Ozerny on April 9, at a general meeting of peasants on the issue of opening a branch of the Nezhinsky PO in the farm, the secretary of the Komsomol cell and the chairman of the PO made a proposal to close the church and transfer it to a consumer store. This proposal was accepted, and 50 of the 57 people present voted for it. To carry out this resolution, a commission of 5 people from representatives of peasants and local Soviet and party organizations was allocated at the meeting.
A group of kulaks spoke out against the closure of the church at the meeting, who declared that they would not allow the closure of the church and, having gathered all the women, “would die with them, but they would not allow the closure of the church”.
On the same day, the kulaks notified the population of the farm about the resolution of the meeting, calling on the believers to come to the church on a signal. With the aim of attracting the peasants as much as possible, they sent riding women to the neighboring farmsteads with a notice of the upcoming closure of the church.
On the morning of April 10, when the commission, summoning the chairman of the church council and announcing the decision of the meeting, went to the church, the wife of one of the kulaks sounded the alarm. A crowd of women who came running to the alarm, including those from neighboring farmsteads, resisted the commission, preventing the church from closing. In order to further excite the audience, one of the kulaks, by a preliminary conspiracy of the kulaks, scratched her face, indicating that ʺthe secretary of the Komsomol cell did it.ʺ The women gathered near the church held a meeting, which was held under the slogan: ʺDo not transfer the church.ʺ
It should be noted that no awareness campaign was conducted among the population on the closure of the church.
* Earlier in the document Lyubinsky
Secretary of INFO OGPU
Appendix No. 4. Eastern National Republics
Speeches in connection with the closure of churches and mosques in Bashkiria
Ufa canton. In the village Blagoveshchensky, at 6 regional meetings held where the question of closing the church was raised, out of the total adult population of 3,700, 2,576 people voted for the closure of the church, 500 against, with the rest abstaining and not participating in the vote. The workers of the state plant, members of the trade union of the SSTS, Rabzemles, builders, former partisans and students of various educational institutions, who on April 7 this year voted unanimously for the closure of the church. A demonstration was organized, demanding the local authorities to immediately close the church and provide the premises for the church. In carrying out this event, a number of mistakes were made on the part of local organizations: when identifying the number of believers in the Annunciation parish, some villages were missed that did not participate in solving the issue of closing the church; premature sealing of the church, without waiting for the sanctions of the Bashkir Central Executive Committee; during the counting of votes at the meetings, the tellers were appointed only from among the non‐believers. As a result, during the sealing of the church, believers in the number of 100‐150 people tried to prevent the closure of the church. However, after a shot fired upwards by the policeman, the crowd retreated and dispersed to their homes. The initiators and organizers of the performance were kulaks, local churchmen, including their priest and some of the technical personnel of the plant.
In with. Sikhonkino at a general meeting, on the agenda of which was the question of a new law ‐ ESHN, a local priest made a statement about lifting the boycott and self‐taxation from him. The proposal of representatives of the VIC to remove the priest from the meeting was met with hostile shouts from the majority of the meeting. Exclamations were heard from the crowd: ʺThere is nothing to be afraid of, the Soviet power will not last long,ʺ etc. The chairman of the village council announced the meeting closed, but the audience continued to deliberate, headed by the priest. The assembled greeted the chairman of the village council and the authorized representative of the VIK who returned after a while with exclamations: ʺTurn off the lamp, beat themʺ, as a result of which those who came again left.
In with. Udal‐Duvanei, a meeting of believers (authorized by the VIC), discussing the issue of concluding an agreement for the church, showed strong dissatisfaction with the local authorities, made a number of decisions, primarily against the closure of the church, for organizing communities. The initiators and organizers were the local priest, the church head and a group of kulaks and podkulachnikov. The next day, when the police tried to arrest the priest and the church elder, a crowd of believers gathered, demanding the release of the detainees. AntiSoviet elements led an intensified agitation among the population, up to the students of the 1st and 2nd level schools 194. On this basis, there have been cases of parents taking their children out of school during classes.
In the village. Safarovo Chishminsky parish at the womenʹs delegate meeting, a resolution was passed on the transfer of one mosque (out of 4 existing in the village) for cultural institutions. In this regard, on April 8 of this year. a general meeting was called to resolve the issue of closing the mosque. More than 200 people attended the meeting, mostly ʺdisenfranchisedʺ, clergymen, hooligans. A group of kulaks in an organized manner raised a noise and shout about the proposed candidates for the presidium of the meeting. At the same time, swearing and threats were heard against representatives of local authorities. Seeing that all attempts to establish order are not yielding results, one of the authorities shouted: ʺCitizens, if you came here to fight, then we are at your service.ʺ After these words, the aforementioned group of kulaks rushed at the official who made the above statement.
Correct: Secretary of INFO
Table of movement of strikes at enterprises of the state industry of the USSR for March‐April 1929
Industry industry laziness
Causes of strikes
the will of existe nce curre nt salary
er deli ght in
worki ng conditi
Under freedom of food
ration size and supply interrup tions
er delig ht in dela yed wage
Participatio n nicknames
* In the document, the total is incorrect, it follows ‐ 4143.
** In the document, the total is incorrect, it follows ‐ 553.
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU