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Review of the political state of the USSR
Review of the political state of the USSR in May 1927
At the same time, an overview of the political state of the USSR for May 1927 is being transmitted. The review was compiled on the basis of data from the state information of the Information Department of the OGPU, supplemented by materials from the OGPU departments: Transport (transport workers) and Secret (anti‐Soviet parties).
This survey, in view of its top‐secret nature, should be kept on par with the code. Making copies and making extracts is not allowed in any case.
The PP of the OGPU and the heads of the provincial and regional departments of the OGPU can give an overview for reading to the secretaries of the regional committees, provincial committees, regional committees and the Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b).
When reviewing 5 applications and one table.
Deputy before the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Alekseev
In May, the number of strikes is slightly less than in April (according to incomplete information, 81 strikes with 5852 participants and 87 and 4956 in April). With a decrease in the number of strikes among metalworkers, there is a significant increase in strikes by seasonal workers (builders, peat bogs), especially in the Center. The implementation of measures to rationalize industry at a number of enterprises (especially in the textile industry) caused a number of acute conflicts with the participation of significant groups of workers (Moscow, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, Tver and Vladimir provinces).
Strikes. In May, there were 16 strikes among metalworkers with 1458 participants (April 27 ‐ 1680). Strikes in most cases involve groups of workers from 15 to 75 people; the exception is the strikes at the Lyudinovsky plant (Bryansk province), which involved 710 people, and at the ʺRed Roofʺ ‐ 200 people. The main reason for the strikes is a decrease in wages (1.1: 1).
Reduced wages. Conflicts over wage cuts affect almost exclusively skilled workers.
The strike of 200 workers of the open‐hearth shop of the Verkh‐Isetskiy plant ʺKrasnaya krovlyaʺ of the Gormettrest (Ural) stands out in particular; the extra earnings of workers in this shop, which reached 220%, by raising the norms and switching from progressive piecework to direct, was limited to 82%, and in April, due to the calculation of workers, it dropped to 41%. At the convened general meeting, there were sharp protests against the administration. The initiators of the strike (9 people) were dismissed. At a meeting of the trade union activists that preceded the strike, a group of activist workers prepared in advance a resolution to stop work, establish duty patrols to prevent workers who did not join the strike from accessing the stoves, and send two delegates to Moscow.
In a number of factories, in connection with a decrease in wages, there is a strong decrease in the intensity of labor and the departure of workers from production. At Krasnoye Sormovo (Nizhny Novgorod), a group of workers serving the press quit; the locksmiths assigned to replace them are incompetent in this work and delay the release of products, which affects other workshops.
Reduction. The reduction was carried out at 18 metal plants (Moscow ‐ 5, Ukraine ‐ 4, Ural ‐ 3) and was caused by various reasons: lack of raw materials, lack of sales and, in some cases, associated with the rationalization of production. At some factories, significant groups of workers are being cut from 200 to 300 people (Lysva plant ‐ Ural, factory No. 2 Electrolamp GET ‐ Moscow, etc.). Dissatisfaction with the contraction in some cases takes sharp forms. At the Krasnaya Zvezda plant, in connection with the layoffs, a group of Menshevik‐minded workers showed particular activity, agitating against the Soviet government: “The Soviet government is artificially setting the imperialist powers against itself, causing help spit in the face of Soviet Russia. ʺ
Delayed wages. In May, salary delays were recorded at 10 metal plants (in April ‐ 12). A long delay in wages continues to be noted at the plant of the Gosachugplava trust (Tula), where the final payment for March has not been issued until now, and for April and May the workers have not received anything, some workers are starving. Delay in wages is also noted at some factories in the Urals. At the Verkhne‐Turin plant, workers declared: ʺEither give out wages, or close the plantʺ (I, 7).
Dissatisfaction with the failure to provide vacations. At some metal factories, workers are dissatisfied with the untimely provision of maternity leave. On May 2, 710 workers went on strike at the Lyudinovek iron foundry of the Maltskombinat (Bryansk province). The strike ended after the administration announced that vacations would begin on 15 May.
Strikes. In May, the number of strikes among textile workers increased slightly (12 strikes with 908 participants, against 9 and 475 in April) and mainly covers groups of workers from 10 to 90 people. The main reasons for the strike are lower wages (2) and dissatisfaction with working conditions (3).
Attention is drawn to the strike of 200 workers of the muhlny department at the factory. Khalturin (in Leningrad) in connection with the dismissal of a worker, a member of the CPSU (b), for his appearance at the factory in a drunken state and insulting the action of the assistant. director; the strike was liquidated by the promise to take the dismissed worker back to the factory (I, 8‐10).
Reduced wages. A number of serious cases of discontent were noted in connection with the reduction in wages. At the Mostrikotazh factory # 2 (Moscow) 175 workers were ʺItalianʺ for 12 days. At the factory ʺKrasnaya Vetkaʺ of Ivtextil (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province), 90 mule workers went on strike. A meeting convened on this issue ended with the election of a commission, to which the workers nominated representatives from the guilds, mostly non‐partisan. 140 weavers went on strike at the Krasny Profintern factory of the Gus‐Combine (Vladimir province).
Conflict at the factory ʺKrasny Perekopʺ Yaroslavl province.
A sharp conflict took place at the factory ʺKrasny Perekopʺ (Yaroslavl province) in connection with the dismissal of the weaver Lytochkin, the main initiator of the trip in April of this year. the delegation to Moscow, in connection with the leveling of wages. For his rudeness towards the foreman, a calculation was announced to Lytochkin, after which he began to bypass the shops, urging the workers ʺnot to give him offense.ʺ The director of the factory, in connection with the fact that Lytochkin incited the workers to protest, ordered to take him out of the factory, but a crowd of workers (150 people) surrounded the sent police, shouting: ʺWe will not let him be arrestedʺ and forced the police to leave.
Strikes. In May, there were 6 strikes in the mining industry with 218 participants, against 10 and 774 in April. The strikes were caused by dissatisfaction with high rates, low prices and difficult working conditions (I, 11‐12).
Dissatisfaction with low wages. Strikes based on high output rates and low prices took place mainly among miners (Ukraine). Two strikes took place at the Krasny Profintern mine, one of which lasted two days. Workers leaving. Dissatisfaction with the level of wages caused the departure of workers in a number of mines. The workers say: ʺNow they have tied us up, and there is nothing to breathe with.ʺ The trade union organizers and the administration often do not take any measures to prevent the departure of workers, despite the acute crisis in the labor force (the Chelyabinsk mines, the Stalin mine, the Karabash combine‐Ural).
Delayed wages. Delay in salary was noted in 5 cases. At Chovdar Barite mines (Transcaucasia), the salary has not been issued for 5 months.
Strikes. In May, there is a strong increase in the number of strikes among seasonal workers (peat bogs, construction workers) (34 with 2683 participants, against 17 and 1010 in April). Last year in May there were 31 strikes with 9258 participants. In Moscow and the province there were 24 strikes of seasonal workers (13 among builders and 11 among peat bogs). Almost all strikes were caused by dissatisfaction with the level of wages and involved groups of workers from 20 to 100
people (in some cases up to 400 people). The largest strike took place at the peat extraction site at the ʺElectric Power Transmissionʺ MOGES (involving 480 people) (I, 13‐15).
Dissatisfaction with low wages. On the basis of dissatisfaction with low wages among seasonal workers, 18 strikes were recorded. The average daily earnings of builders in Moscow is 2 rubles. 50 kopecks ‐ 2 rubles. 80 kopecks per day, workers demand that it be raised to 3 rubles. 50 kopecks ‐ 4 rubles. Strike sentiment on the basis of low wages took place in Dneprostroy (Ukraine); two unskilled laborers (administratively expelled) collected 100 signatures under a statement demanding a 50% increase in wages (and on buildings in Dolossy, Yalta District), where workers threatened to burn down the barracks and go on strike.
Delayed wages. Delay in wages is observed mainly among forestry workers (40 cases), a long delay in wages (from 2 to 4 months) was noted in 18 forest areas of the Northwest Territory. Among the loggers of some parts of the Vyatka province. Due to the fact that the old debt (35,000 rubles) has not yet been liquidated, a rumor is spreading that all the prepared materials will be burned before the alloy.
Strikes and conflicts. There were 10 strikes with 371 participants in May (April 13 and 596). Attention is drawn to the fermentation at the Papers department named after Volodarsky (Leningrad), where part of the workers, under the guise of an excursion, went to the neighboring factory. Zinoviev in order to find out the amount of earnings on it; workers collected 200 signatures on a statement in which a number of demands were put forward. The statement ends with a threat, if the demand is not met, to seize the stoker, fill the boiler furnaces and stop the factory. Collective subscriptions were led by a member of the CPSU (b) and a Komsomolets (1.16).
Delayed wages. Delays in wages were recorded at 47 enterprises (63 in April) and were noted mainly in the glass and food‐flavoring industries.
RATIONALIZATION OF PRODUCTION
In the period under review, measures to rationalize industry had a noticeable impact on the mood of workers, especially in the textile industry. Carried out in a number of cases without proper explanation and with the weak participation of trade organizers, they caused a number of serious conflicts that involved large groups of workers.
Transfer to an increased number of machines, sides, machines and the compaction of the working day. At a number of factories in Moscow, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, Vladimir and other provinces, great discontent among workers is caused by the transition to an increased number of machines, sides and machines (in some cases from 3 to 8 sides, from 6 to 12 machines, etc..) and the consolidation of the working day, the removal of auxiliary workers, the introduction of three shifts instead of two. Workers fear that these measures will lead to a reduction and increase in unemployment. In protests against these measures, it is indicated that the intensification of labor will have a bad effect on the health of workers (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). In some cases, workers refused even to discuss rationalization issues at meetings. At the Novo‐Weaving Factory of the 1st Moscow Cotton Trust, apprentices who spoke at a production meeting said: “We fought for 10 years, and yet they hung a noose around our neck and shut our mouths with three looms. We, the workers, are a force, we must firmly say that we do not need a factory committee, a cell and a red director, in their place there will be an owner who will improve the working life, otherwise they have completely strangled us. ʺ After the meeting, individual apprentices called for a strike.
Strong fermentation was caused by the transition to an increased number of machines and sides at the ʺCommunist avant‐gardeʺ factory (Vladimir province), where it covered about 6,000 workers (II, 1‐4).
Reduced wages. In a number of factories, in connection with the introduction of a change in the system of work and the transition to the processing of the best grades of fabrics, the earnings of workers decreased significantly. At the factory of canvas products ʺKrasny Parusʺ (Leningrad), with the introduction of a belt system, prices for some products decreased by 50%, on this basis a strike of workers of the winding department took place. At the Novo‐Ivanovo‐Voznesensk m‐ry of Ivtekstil, with the introduction of the production of demikotone 206 of a denser variety, the shortage of workers in April, versus March, amounted to 30‐40 kopecks, dissatisfaction swept 1300 weavers. Some apprentices, despite the fact that the decline in earnings did not affect them, campaigned for the support of the weavers (II, 5‐
Reduction and transfer to other jobs and enterprises. The reduction of workers and the transfer to other jobs, and sometimes the transfer to other factories, in a number of cases greatly exacerbated worker discontent. At the Rodnikovskaya convent of Gostrest, a serious conflict took place in connection with the installation of new automatic looms in the weaving department. The workers said: ʺBefore making rationalization, it would be necessary to attach a weaving corps, to drive our comrades out of our faces, everything here looks like exploitation according to the American method.ʺ Similar dissatisfaction took place at the Faculty of Nogin, B. Kohomskoy micro‐ry and others
Agitation against rationalization measures. In a number of factories, the implementation of rationalization measures has caused strong agitation on the part of individual anti‐Soviet workers, which has partial success due to the weak work of the factory committees, which do not carry out preliminary explanations. In some cases, under the influence of agitation, meetings on rationalization were disrupted. At the f‐ke them. Shagova (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk Gubernia), the workers who spoke said: “Everything is done at the expense of the unfortunate weavers, and such heads as the director are raking in money; Why did we take up arms, unless we fought for that, that we began to work 8 hours and work as much as under the bourgeois system at 10 hours. Our conquests are a disgrace, a disgrace to the party, a disgrace to the rulers. ʺ Under the influence of these actions, the workers refused to go over to troikas and left the meeting. At the 2nd meeting, one of the worker activists said: “The working class needs new leaders who will be able to lead the workers to a new struggle. The Soviet government began to oppress the workers worse than the British lords. ʺ The performance was covered with thunderous applause. The chairman of Ivtekstil was not allowed to finish his final speech, the performance of the collective secretary was greeted with shouts: ʺDown with it, thatʹs enough, we donʹt want to listen to you.ʺ Fabkom showed complete passivity during the conflict.
Measures to rationalize production in the metal industry have been noted so far at individual factories in Moscow, the Urals and Ukraine. Workersʹ dissatisfaction is caused by reductions on the basis of rationalization. At the Chusovsky railway plant of the Perm Mining District (Ural), due to staff reductions, in connection with the installation of an automatic cutter, a shift of workers in the middle rolling shop went on strike. At the Ruskabel plant (Moscow), in connection with the forthcoming reduction (135 people), at the production meeting there were a number of sharp statements against the administration and especially the factory committee: the purge of workers, layoffs only sow panic and undermine faith in the policy of the party and the Soviet regime. ʺ At a number of factories, due to the reduction, anti‐Soviet agitation is noted. At the Kommunar Zaporizhzhya metal plant (Ukraine), individual redundant highly qualified workers who came to the plant in a drunken state said: ʺThis is a bandit government, not a worker, the old workers are being driven out of the gates, the owner was much better.ʺ At the 1st Ural Plant of Gormettrest, workers pointed out that ʺstaff reduction will not improve the situation of the plant, it is necessary to pay attention to the reduction of rejects and expel expensive but incompetent specialistsʺ (II, 9‐10).
Dissatisfaction caused by the reduction and reduction of wages in connection with the rationalization of production is noted in a number of small industries (printing, clothing, etc.).
In the printing industry, the decline is due to the merger of individual printing houses, mainly in Moscow. In the garment industry (f‐ki Moscowshvey), dissatisfaction is caused by the transition to the conveyor system. Workers fear that with the introduction of this system, their wages will drop sharply due to lower prices. On May 18, a group of workers at the Ironing and Laundry Facility refused to work on this basis. The work began after the administration had explained that earnings would not decrease.
THE MOOD OF THE WORKERS IN CONNECTION WITH THE RUPTURE OF ANGLO‐SOVIET RELATIONS
The severance of diplomatic relations with England 207 was greeted among the workers as a sign of imminent war. Most of the workers emphasize that ʺit is desirable to avoid war, but if it breaks out, we will go to war.ʺ In a number of cases the workers even express dissatisfaction with the moderation of the line of the Soviet government in relation to England. Thus, the workers of the Kharkov steam locomotive plant declare: ʺA decent government would have declared war on England long ago.ʺ Opinions are expressed that it was necessary to do with the British representatives the same thing that was done with ours (Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya calico factory No. 3). Regarding the protest demonstrations, it is stated: “What if we show them a fist in our pocket, the bourgeois will probably not be embarrassed by these protests” (Krasny Oktyabr plant ‐ Ukraine). Among the backward strata of workers, there were facts of manifestation of panic. In IvanovoVoznesensk, the receipt of deposits in the savings bank has significantly increased without special need. Among the seasonal workers (Moscow), there were cases when they took the calculation, saying: ʺThe war will start, we must go to see relatives.ʺ Among female workers, the opinion about the need to stock up on manufactories and foodstuffs is spreading (Moscow).
The complication of the Unionʹs international position was exploited by anti‐Soviet elements in factories seeking to heighten the anxious mood of the workers. In their speeches, they point out that the culprit of the rupture of Anglo‐Soviet relations is the USSR (“our government, which is campaigning abroad, is to blame for the raid on the trade mission,” “England would not have broken with us without sufficient grounds”). They explain the governmentʹs position by our weakness: “We will not start a war, because we cannot because of our weak technology,” “our government can hardly withstand,” etc.
They regard the future war as the beginning of the end of Soviet power, and they see it as the beating of “Jews and communists”: “Soon the war will begin, and the power of the communists will come to an end. The non‐party people will be beaten both at the front and in the rear, since they have not justified themselves” (agitation of a group of Menshevikminded workers of the Electrosila plant ‐ Kharkov). ʺWith the domination of capital, the worker will live much better than now, when individuals have advanced and live well at the expense of the workers, who rub glasses on the workers, promising a lot and giving nothingʺ (Tula Cartridge Plant). In particular, they hope that, in the event of a war, the peasantry will not have to be counted on: “The Communists will have to fight on two fronts ‐ with England and the peasantry” (Leningrad, “Red Triangle”), The agitation often contains a call to evade military service: “It would be too great an honor for the Soviet government for the workers to defend the present gentlemen; they are driven from everywhere and will soon be driven away from us too” (Kremenchug). ʺNow no one will go to war, there will be no sheep, this is not the 20th yearʺ (Kharkov, Tsinkografiya ʺProletaryʺ). “If there is a war, first of all the communists should go to the front, otherwise they are very bureaucratic and become overwhelmed” (Leningrad, “Krasny Putilovets”). ʺLet the communists fight, and we will see how their wool flies and we laughʺ (Vyshnevolotskaya mr, Tver province). Almost all of these speeches are associated with anti‐Soviet attacks. Agitation meets with sympathy only among some of the more backward groups of workers.
Despite a slight decrease in unemployment due to the start of seasonal work (in Moscow, for example, from 209,000 unemployed as of April 1 to 157,000 as of May 1), there is still strong discontent among the unemployed. The deterioration of the mood of the unemployed was partly due to the partial layoffs carried out at a number of enterprises in connection with the rationalization of production.
Anti‐Soviet and demagogic speeches. As before, in a number of larger centers of unemployment (Moscow, Leningrad, etc.), numerous facts of anti‐Soviet agitation and demagogic demonstrations were noted. There were especially many such performances in Moscow in various sections of the labor exchange and in Ukraine. These speeches often sharply criticize the policy of the Soviet regime. In Moscow, in the section of metalworkers, the unemployed said: “The Bolsheviks, if they do not change their policy, will bring the country to complete collapse. They promise industry expansion and unemployment is on the
rise. Workers, however, are still a plaything for business executives. ʺ
In a number of other speeches, disbelief in the possibility of further construction without foreign aid is expressed: ʺThe conditions of the concession 208 should be softened, the factories should be transferred to private owners,ʺ etc. (Odessa, Kiev, Nikolaev, Rostov‐on‐Don). In Odessa there was even talk that ʺit is necessary to insist that Odessa and several other cities be given to foreigners as a concession.ʺ
Certain anti‐Soviet people among the unemployed are campaigning for a new revolution. In Moscow, in the section of educators, the unemployed said: “No matter what the communists say about strengthening their power, a new revolution is still growing. It will be the colossal night of St. Bartholomew 209. ʺ In Simferopol, at the labor exchange, the unemployed said: “In Simferopol there are 12,000 unemployed. All workers need to organize themselves and arrange a second revolution, then only there will be order”; the performance met with the sympathy of those present.
Call for demonstrations. In a number of places, agitation was conducted calling for a demonstration, which met with the sympathy of some of the unemployed. In Odessa, at a meeting of unemployed water workers, the unemployed said: “Drive them (the communists) away. Letʹs take the black banner and stage a demonstration, metalworkers, miners and others will join us. Enough to endure. Letʹs help the hungry. ʺ In Kiev, the demonstration was prepared by a group of unemployed; at a meeting of unemployed builders, there was an agitation: “Why are we going to sit here and listen to this nonsense. Let us leave the lecture in a crowd, take the banner, go to the executive committee and demand work there. ʺ The group has developed proposals, including the following: ʺFor the state to fight unemployment on an all‐Union scale, recognizing unemployment as a spontaneous social evil, for which purpose to create a national emergency commission to combat unemployment.ʺ
Agitation among the unemployed in connection with the severance of relations with England. The severance of relations with Britain caused intensified agitation among the unemployed that ʺthe beginning of the war will be the beginning of the end for the Bolsheviksʺ, ʺthe British will disperse this communist bastardʺ, ʺthe war would sooner, maybe life would be better under Chamberlain,ʺ etc. In Kharkov, in the section of metal workers, the unemployed said: ʺWhen war is declared, it will be necessary first of all to beat the peopleʹs commissars.ʺ In this regard, anti‐Semitic agitation has also noticeably increased among the unemployed. In the Narpit section in Moscow, agitation was conducted: ʺThere must be a war, and then the unemployed will all rise up and start beating the Jews.ʺ In Kherson, an unemployed water worker said: “In particular, the Jews and communists will get it. They will be the first to take their heads off. ʺ
Activities of the members of the Council. Recently, attention has been drawn to the activities of the unemployed ‐ members of the Council in Leningrad and Tiflis. The Leningrad group (see review for April) continues its campaigning among the unemployed. In Tiflis, the unemployed delegates worked out a plan to combat unemployment, proposed it to all institutions related to the struggle against unemployment, and at the same time worked among the unemployed, seeking their support. The content of the ʺplanʺ boils down to establishing an extraordinary commission to combat unemployment, which should include only unemployed members of the Council; they must be provided with “appropriate mandates”. In addition, a ʺspecial fundʺ should be created, which is transferred to the ʺemergency commissionʺ and is spent on opening a canteen, an overnight house and on improving the skills of the unemployed.
Anti‐Soviet manifestations in the countryside
In connection with the complicated international position of the Union, there is a significant activation of anti‐Soviet elements in the countryside, expressed in the strengthening of defeatist agitation, the growth and activity of kulak groups, some of which are clearly antiSoviet agitation, in the strengthening of anti‐Semitic agitation, etc.
Mass demonstrations of anti‐Soviet peasants. Particularly noteworthy are the individual facts of mass anti‐Soviet actions of the peasants that have taken place in recent months. In May of this year, 4 facts of mass demonstrations were registered, in March ‐ one and in April ‐ one. These facts draw special attention to themselves in connection with the significant increase in recent years of anti‐Soviet and antiSemitic agitation in the countryside, especially in connection with rumors of a possible war (spread of provocative rumors, defeatist and anti‐war agitation, etc.). The most striking (having a purely political character) is the performance that took place in the town of Yaltushkovo, Kamyanets‐Podolsk district. May 6 p. at the fair a resident of the village. Uslanogo (associated with the kulaks and previously seen in anti‐Soviet agitation) gathered a crowd of peasants around him, among which he conducted anti‐Soviet agitation, trying to inflame the crowd and, mainly trying to play on issues of religious and land (relations with sugar factories) order and calling for the overthrow of the red banner, not to obey the orders of the Soviet government. When the head of the district police and the policeman tried to detain him, the agitator turned to the crowd: ʺWill you give me up to these executionersʺ and hit the police chief with a whip. The agitated crowd did not allow the agitator to be detained and the police chief was forced to leave. A second attempt by the returning police to arrest him again ended in vain. For the third time, the police came to the scene, accompanied by factory guards and several armed Komsomol and party members. When the indicated persons tried to seize the agitator, the crowd began to beat the policemen and party members, shouting: ʺBeat the communists and the police.ʺ
Also noteworthy are anti‐Semitic speeches that also took place in Ukraine, one of which resulted in a clash of a crowd in the town of Olgopol (Tulchinsky district) of 1000 people with the police, accompanied by shouts: ʺThe Jews are beating the headman, we must deal with the Jews, we must disarm the police.ʺ The clash occurred in connection with an attempt by the police to arrest the church elder, who, having detained a Jewish boy in the churchyard, ordered to sound the alarm, as a result of which a crowd gathered. The ground for the speech was prepared by the anti‐Semitic agitation that preceded it by a number of anti‐Soviet residents of the town ‐ a former colonel, a former magistrate 210 etc. Another action was expressed in the defeat of a group of drunken youth, armed with sawn‐off shotguns and revolvers, stalls of Jewish merchants in the bazaar (the village of Telepino, Cherkasy district). A sharp clash of a crowd of 150‐200 people with the police took place in the stts. Plastunovskaya Kuban District (SKK), the crowd recaptured the carts with woods detained at the bazaar. The instigator of the crowd was a former white sergeant. In the Shepetivka district in the village. The population of the village in Tashka, who had long resisted the export of a paper mill from the village, did not allow the arrest of the ringleaders, leaving with red flags and a portrait of Lenin. The fact noted in the Tambov province is expressed in the longterm resistance to the authorities from the side of the whole village when carrying out land management. In addition to the indicated cases of massive anti‐Soviet demonstrations,
Cross unions. In May, there were 117 appearances for the COP. Attention is drawn to the significant number (up to 20%) of the protests for the cross unions, which are of an emphatically political nature. So, in the village. The canopy of the Kharkov district, the kulak who spoke for the Constitutional Court, said: ʺThe revolution is not over yet, it is still ahead and the peasants will achieve their union.ʺ In with. Millerovo of the Taganrog District, a former SocialistRevolutionary, and who has repeatedly spoken for the Constitutional Court, said in a conversation: “We need to organize and arrange our own conference, at which it will be possible to discuss the issue of reducing the rates of the Peopleʹs Commissariat for Nationalities, and if they do not agree, let them flee abroad. At the conference, we will demand that our representatives reduce taxes, and if they do not reduce them, we will expel them abroad. ʺ In with. Brazhnikovo, Obolensk region, Tula province. a well‐to‐do peasant, a former SocialistRevolutionary, in a private conversation substantiated in detail the need to organize a Constitutional Court.211. In the Tula province, at the plenum of the Zeninsky village council of the Pakhomovsky district, a well‐to‐do peasant, a former Socialist‐Revolutionary, who criticized the partyʹs policies and proposed a resolution expressing no confidence in the CPSU (b) and demanding permission to organize the Constitutional Court, spoke about the celebration of May 1. The resolution was rejected by the plenum (at which there were 97 people with the guests). Active campaigning for the COP in the village. Dubki of the Obolensk district of the same province is led by a teacher (daughter of a former foreman) and a middle peasant who, by the way, said that “the Soviet government does not allow the organization of the Constitutional Court because the organized peasantry will represent a stormy ocean, and the worker will represent a fragile boat, thrown to the mercy ʺ.
In with. N. Andreevka of the Amur District was repeatedly noticed in anti‐Soviet and cross‐union agitation, a former Socialist Revolutionary and a member of the constituent assembly in the Far Eastern Republic, who took part as a member of the presidium in the Piceno‐Ozersk Peasant Congress in 1922, in 1926 declared that “the union of grain growers will not be economic, but a political organization”, has been conducting such agitation until recently.
It should be noted that in three cases kulak groups (Moscow, Saratov provinces and Tulunovsky district) campaigned for the Constitutional Court. In isolated cases, groups and individuals advocating for the COP are trying to find practical ways to organize the COP. The statement of a well‐to‐do village is characteristic. Nazarovs of the Amur District: ʺThe Krestsoyuz should be organized as follows: two or three villages will choose a bureau, and these bureaus will tie up contacts with each other and choose a common county bureauʺ (see Appendix No. 4). Anti‐Soviet agitation based on rumors about the war. Merchants, kulaks, clergy and all sorts of anti‐Soviet elements in the countryside not only contribute to the widespread dissemination of all kinds of provocative rumors and, above all, rumors about war, but they also conduct intensified anti‐Soviet agitation around these rumors. The following CCM data are indicative. Of the 599 malicious disseminators of rumors about the war and the death of the Soviet regime, 469 are kulaks, anti‐Soviet elements and some anti‐Soviet individuals (of whom 60% are Cossacks). On the part of the kulaks and the well‐to‐do, in particular the ʺdisenfranchisedʺ, there is a defeatist agitation and statements about their unwillingness to go to war. “What kind of defenders we are ‐ they press us with taxes, and we will defend them” (village N. Kamenka, Biysk district). “Let there be a war, we will not go to war” (st. Kelermesskaya, Maikop district). “We are unlikely to go to fight, I personally will not go to fight in any case, and even if I go, they will give me a rifle ‐ a bayonet in the ground, and I myself will defect” (Severodvinsk province). The statements of the kulaks and the well‐todo that they ʺwill not go to warʺ are especially frequent in the SKK, Ukraine, the Urals and Siberia. Everywhere the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements in the countryside associate hopes for the quick death of the Soviet regime with the war and threaten with reprisals against the communists. ʺThe Soviet power will soon end, one spark is enough and the whole people will rise up, and the Red Army will immediately become all green, since everything will go into the forestʺ (Nizhny Novgorod province). ʺThe Soviet government will not be allowed to celebrate its 10th anniversary, since as soon as the war begins, all the communists will be killedʺ (Pskov province). “I am looking forward to the arrival of Estonians or anyone else, so that the Soviet regime will just fly off. I have already stocked up weapons again and now I will never give them to the militia” (merchant of the village of Nizkoritsy, Leningrad province). “As soon as it smells of gunpowder, we will beat the communists with stakes” (Ishim District).
ʺIf only there was a war, then we will deal with those who are defending the Soviet power nowʺ (Omsk District). Characteristic is the public speech of a well‐to‐do peasant of the Stalingrad province, who declared to the middle peasants and the poor: ʺYou took part in the affairs of Soviet construction, held the hand of the Communists, look ‐ it will be bad for those poor people who stand for them.ʺ
Among former white officers, re‐emigrants, former participants in uprisings in all regions of the Union, there are also tendencies ‐ in the event of war, to deal with the communists. ʺIf only they donʹt arrest us, then letʹs go to fight against the Sovietsʺ (participant in the uprising, Amur District). “Let them take us and arm us, we will turn our rifles against them and show how the old soldiers are fighting” (Amur District). Campaigning is carried out especially intensively by kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements in the border regions (Belarus, some districts of Ukraine, the DCK). In some places, the kulaks and the wealthy hold secret meetings to discuss the question of the war. In with. Art. Topovka Prosperous non‐republics at their meetings discuss the issue of a future war. Fists with. Nizhnyaya‐Pokrovka of the Starobelsky District (Ukraine) often gather at the apartment of a local priest, where they have the following conversations: “War is inevitable and necessary, since Soviet power is not suitable for the peasants. If only there was a war, then we would surely have driven many into the ground. ʺ
Anti‐Soviet agitation among the Cossacks in connection with rumors about the war. Among the Cossacks of the SKK, the Urals and individual districts of Siberia and the DCK, anti‐Soviet agitation around rumors of war and the death of Soviet power is especially widespread. In stts. A wealthy Tula Cossack, the son of an emigrant, rallying around himself other Cossacks‐ʺdisenfranchisedʺ, spreads rumors about the imminent fall of Soviet power: ʺThe Polish and Romanian armies are ready and are about to break out on Russia, then the end of all this power.ʺ In stts. In the Dnieper Kuban district, the Cossack‐kulak said in the circle of the village residents: ʺPoland has started the war and has already taken Kiev, Nikolai Nikolaevich is at the head.ʺ
In individual districts of the SKK (Salsky, Armavir, etc.), the Cossacks are showing tendencies to deal with nonresident: ʺIn the event of war, we will drive all the peasants out of the Don region.ʺ (stts. Orlovskaya). “White troops will come here and they will disperse all the Antichrists and Ukrainians who have occupied the Cossack lands” (St. Andreevskaya, Salsk District). Former white officers, bandits and other anti‐Soviet elements in the JCC show some activity, often openly calling for protests against the Soviet regime and demanding reprisals against party members and Komsomol members. So, in stts. Zmeyskaya of the Sunzha district, two active members of the white bandit detachments called on the population to beat up the party members and Komsomol members. Former cornet 212 Maikop district said: ʺI, a purebred Cossack, and besides an officer, must set an example of how to fight the Soviet regime to the last drop of blood.ʺ In with. The forerunner of the Stavropol District, a former officer, threatened to ʺdeal with the poorʺ as soon as war was declared and he received weapons. In other Cossack regions (Ural, Stalingrad Gubernia, Siberia, DCK), anti‐Soviet elements threaten to beat up the communists. ʺWe will chop up all the communists for being deprived of the right to voteʺ (Chuksonsky settlement of the Troitsky district). ʺThe Soviet power will not exist for long ‐ if England goes against the USSR, then the power will be overʺ (the village of Kudyshevsky, Troitsk district). ʺAs soon as the war opens, we will immediately take up arms and oppose the communistsʺ (hut. Yeterevsky, Stalingrad province). “The war will lead to a change of power, no one will go to defend the communists,213 and release ʺoursʺ, then we will organize a detachment with which it will be possible to act in the rear to the detriment of the communists” (st. Mikhailovskaya, Khopersky district, Stalingrad province).
Arrests of groups and anti‐Soviet individuals by the JCC. Taking into account the growth of anti‐Soviet agitation in the villages, the OGPU bodies in the North Caucasus have carried out the following measures over the past six months: 91 kulak and anti‐Soviet groups with 460 members have been liquidated, in addition, 116 individuals have been arrested, and 576 people have been seized in total. Of these, 50% are kulaks, 30% are middle peasants, the rest are poor peasants (ʺpodkulaksʺ). According to their past, most of those arrested belong to the former Cossack leaders and active enemies of the Soviet regime (81 former white officers, 74 former chieftains, 103 figures of the judicial and punitive organs, 43 police officers, 3 members of the Rada, 29 reemigrants, 34 bandits). The rest (including 7 landowners and one priest) are ordinary members of the white movement. The largest number of liquidated groups and seized individuals operated on the territory of the Kuban, Donskoy and Tersky districts.
The activity of the clergy in connection with rumors about the war. The clergy and churchmen play an active role in spreading provocative rumors about ʺheavenly signsʺ foreshadowing war and the death of the Soviet regime, and in some places ‐ direct threats to the peasants ʺto be counted for non‐fulfillment of religious rituals and weak help from the church.ʺ For example, in the Minsk district (Belarus), a local priest, when raising funds for the repair of a church, threatened the peasants: “If you don’t give it, then don’t think that it will be so ‐ the communists will soon be beheaded, and our government will be, then don’t be offended, for you there will be nowhere to go with the communists. ʺ In the village. Lyubimova of the Tara district, the trustee of the church (well‐to‐do), responding to the peasantʹs refusal to pay church fees, said: “Where will you go when the war breaks out. We will crush all the communists and you too, although you are not a communist, but you renounced religion. We will take note of all of these, and then weʹll put it in place. ʺ There are cases when peasants (in some cases even members of the CPSU), in connection with rumors of war and under the influence of priestʹs agitation, perform religious rituals (baptism of children, weddings, etc.). So, in the village. The son of a peasant (serving in the Red Army) christened his child in Temirke of the Tersk district, fearing the arrival of whites. In the Nivshersky district of the Komi‐Zyryansk region. the forester (member of the CPSU), in connection with rumors about the war, sent the priest a note with a request to urgently baptize his children, which was done with a priest. There, the candidate of the CPSU (b) asked the priest to serve a requiem over the grave of dead children. An interesting fact took place in the village. Kachulki of the Karatuz district of the Minusinsk district, where the priest announced to the peasants that ʺsoon there will be war and all those who have not got married or baptized will feel bad.ʺ As a result, all who were not baptized or married
Anti‐Soviet agitation on May Day. The May 1 celebration was used by the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements in the village for anti‐Soviet agitation. So, in the Bryansk province. the former anarchist, speaking at one of the rallies, called on the assembly ʺto take an example from the workers and put forward their peasant slogans ‐ what the peasants want and what they want.ʺ In the same province, a former SocialistRevolutionary and a former member of the CPSU (b) at a peasant meeting said: “On May 1, we must demand that we do not take agricultural tax from us, and if they did, it would be less and not from everyone. If they installed a tsar now, it would be better” (Kuban District). Similar conversations of a clearly monarchical character were heard in other districts and Cossack villages of the North Caucasus. Particularly noteworthy is the ironic and in some places directly hostile attitude of the Cossack youth to the participants of the May Day demonstrations, expressed in threats to individual participants and leaders of the demonstration (Kuban District). In a number of cases, the kulaks dissuaded the peasants from participating in the May Day demonstrations, intimidating them by saying that “it will be bad for those who go to the demonstration. Soon the British will come from China and they will slaughter everyone” (Pskov province). “Your little ones are here for a little while; the little ones will come soon” (Chita district).
A number of direct attempts to disrupt May Day rallies and demonstrations were also noted. In some places, the priests, in contrast to the demonstrations, organized religious processions that distracted the peasants from participating in the May 1 celebration (Moscow province, Amur district). In addition, attempts to disrupt the demonstrations were noted by hooligans and anti‐Soviet individuals. So, for example, in Bronnitsky district. Moscow province. A hooligan group of 27 people under the leadership of the deaconʹs son met her with shouts and whistles as the May Day demonstration passed through the village. In the Barabinsk district in the village. Rosentol, during the May Day demonstration, behind her was a group of anti‐Soviet peasants with white flags.
THE INFLUENCE OF RUMORS OF WAR ON THE MOOD OF THE VILLAGE
Anti‐Soviet agitation and rumors about the war affect the mood of the village, causing in places the panic mood of the peasants, which manifests itself in the massive purchase of food, the sale of livestock and other negative phenomena.
Cases of leaving the pioneer detachments and the Komsomol. In connection with rumors of war, isolated cases of the withdrawal of pioneers from pioneer detachments and members of the VKLSM from the Komsomol continue to be noted. In Kudinovskaya vol. Livensky u. Oryol Gubernia, in connection with rumors about war and a change of power, pioneers leave some pioneer detachments. In the Rechitsa district (Belarus), the pioneer detachment, for fear of the arrival of the Poles, surrendered their ties. In the Minsk district, two peasants who have applied for admission to the Komsomol are now asking them not to be admitted, arguing that in case of war they will be killed. A similar case took place in the Gomel district, where a Komsomol laborer and a poor man, in connection with the first receipt of a letter from the Red Army advising him to leave the Komsomol, left the organization. In the village of N. Nikolsk, Orenburg province. under the influence of the spreading rumors about the war, the Komsomol cell of 7 people, wanting to avoid mobilization, left the organization. In the Krasnoyarsk district, members of the Komsomol, under the influence of the agitation of their parents, leave the Komsomol, and even the secretary of the cell submitted an application to leave the Komsomol. In with. Tuendat of the Tomsk district young people, in connection with rumors about the war, are afraid to enroll in the Komsomol, declaring: ʺWe would all enroll in the Komsomol, but we do not know whether the power will hold out, no matter how it will be again, like with whites, when they were whipping.ʺ
Bulk purchase of essential products. Cases of mass purchases by peasants, especially the wealthy and the kulaks, in large quantities of salt, flour, sugar, kerosene, matches and manufactory continue to be noted everywhere. Procurement of goods is carried out not only by the kulaks, the wealthy and middle peasants, but also by the poor, the latter often due to the expansion of the economy. In Losevskaya parish. Voronezh province. there are farms that have stocked up to 100 poods. salt. In one of the cooperatives in Charond parish. Kadnikovsky u. Vologda province, due to the increased demand for salt, within 1‐2 weeks more was sold than in a whole year. The increased demand for food is used by private traders who offer the population to stock up on more goods and inflate prices.
Cases of sale of livestock and grain surpluses. In individual provinces and districts (Saratov Gubernia, Kungurskiy, Salskiy, Kubanskiy, Barabinskiy and Barnaulskiy districts) there are cases of peasants selling cattle, horses and surplus grain for fear that they will be taken away in case of war. “There will be a war soon, everyone will be driven to the front, so all the cattle must be sold, as they will be lost anyway” (Barabinsk district). ʺWe need to sell the surplus grain, otherwise they will take it away, and in general we need to hide everything, otherwise the Soviet government will again begin to requisitionʺ (Kungur district). Among the population of the Proletarsky district of the Salsky district, there is a large sale of cattle. In some places (SKK, Ural, Siberia, DVK), due to rumors of war, peasants are trying to sell bread for hard currency, fearing a fall in the exchange rate of the chervonets (especially in the Amur District of the DVK).
LIQUIDATION OF DISPARTS IN AGRICULTURAL TAX 1926 ‐ 1927
In recent months, a shock campaign to eliminate agricultural tax arrears in a number of regions of the Union, accompanied by the adoption of repressive measures against non‐payers, has created in places a tense mood and discontent, mainly on the part of the low‐power strata of the village, which make up the bulk of the non‐payers. Inventory of property of tax evaders, sale of it at auction and bringing non‐payers to court in a number of regions are massive. Data for the Urals are typical. So, in the Tyumen district, over 5000 inventories of property were produced, in the Sarapul district ‐ about 1400 inventories, in the Irbitsky district ‐ over 850, in the Tobolsk district ‐ about 1700, etc. In most cases, the described property was sold at auction, and its sale for the most part produced at extremely low prices and sometimes without the knowledge of the owners. In connection with the ongoing massive inventories of property, there were cases of hasty sale of household items on the market by peasants for next to nothing (Sarapul district). On the other hand, in the same district, there are facts of massive refusal to pay tax on the part of the poor, who are really unable to pay it.
The shock nature of the elimination of tax arrears led to a number of unhealthy phenomena in many regions, expressed in the absence in some cases of a class approach on the part of local authorities and tax agents, especially when repressive measures were applied. The following cases are characteristic in this respect: in the village. Alekseevka, Saratov province. repressive measures were primarily carried out against the non‐paying poor. Vyazimsky VIK of Saratov province. recruited from poor peasants in a number of villages up to 500 chickens, and the seizure of chickens was carried out by an armed policeman, who, without waiting for the voluntary handover of the described chickens, chased them around the yard, and often along the streets of the village, despite the protests of the peasants. As a case of an egregious character, it should be noted the fact that took place in the village. Vasilyevka, Dnepropetrovsk district (Ukraine). A member of the RIK Presidium came to the specified village to eliminate agricultural tax arrears, who gathered the defaulters in the village council and told them: “Take your heart out of you, but that on May 15th my tax was fulfilled by 100%,” threatening to “rip my head off” for non‐payment and not agreeing to some non‐payers to defer payment until the evening. A member of the village council, who noticed that “the peasants were treated like this only before by the gendarmes,” a member of the RIK presidium who arrived grabbed his chest and hit his head against the wall so that he almost fainted. The following facts are also interesting: Vyatlevsky VIK of Kaluga province. it was decided to collect 50 kopecks. from each defaulter of agricultural tax and insurance for compiling an inventory of property (only the poor are defaulters).
In the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. there were cases when money had to be paid for an inventory of property made in the absence of the owner, while the tax was paid by him.
The discontent of the underprivileged strata of the countryside, created as a result of the intensification of repressive measures, was widely used by the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements in their anti‐Soviet agitation. So, for example, in the village. Uyar of Krasnoyarsk District, when RIK put up for sale the described items of non‐payers, an antiSoviet middle peasant came to the auction and began to agitate: samovars on display for sale. The last peasant belongings are sold for non‐payment of tax, taken by force and sold. We will not buy our selected good”. As a result of this agitation, not a single item was bought from the auction. Similar demonstrations took place in the Urals and in a number of other regions.
EASTERN NATIONAL REPUBLICS AND AUTONOMOUS AREAS
Rumors of war. City. Events in England and China aroused interest in all segments of the urban population of Uzbekistan. Merchants, bachelorhood and the Muslim community spread all sorts of provocative rumors about the imminent fall of the Soviet regime. In public speeches of individual traders and beys, it is indicated that the Persian and Afghan troops allegedly have already approached the borders of the USSR and that England, having enlisted the support of Afghanistan, Persia and China, will not advance from Europe, but from the East. Representatives of the Muslim community express confidence in the inevitable fall of the Soviet regime, after which ʺthe capitalist states in alliance with Afghanistan and other eastern countries will restore religion in Russia.ʺ
There is an inert and sometimes unfriendly attitude towards protest demonstrations among the state employees in the cities. There are also isolated cases of malevolence about the “inevitable death of the Soviet regime and the collapse of socialism” (V, 1‐8).
Womenʹs campaign. Uzbekistan. The campaign to remove the burqa (veil) provokes incessant opposition of anti‐Soviet elements, striving not only to disrupt, but also to use it for anti‐Soviet agitation and disruption of other measures of the Soviet government, in particular, land reform. The gangs, traders, the Muslim community and former Basmachi, with intensified campaigning against the disclosure of women, resort to terror against those most active in promoting the campaign. In total, 14 murders and 7 injuries were registered, and of this number, 6 murders and 6 injuries took place in May.
The tactlessness of a number of organizations and persons conducting the campaign and resorting to the methods of forcibly removing the burqa caused massive indignation of farmers in places, thus facilitating the activities of anti‐Soviet elements to disrupt the campaign. As before, there are numerous cases of opposition by the Communists to the removal of their wivesʹ veils (V, 9‐11).
Interethnic relations. Uzbekistan. Tensions between individual nationalities are mainly due to land and water disputes. In the border areas, there are constant conflicts between Uzbeks and Kyrgyz (Osh district of Kyrgyzstan) over the use of water from rivers originating in
Land and water disputes, sometimes turning into fights, are also noted between Uzbeks and Russians and Uzbeks and Tajiks.
Similar disputes, sometimes turning into fights, have been noted in Kyrgyzstan between Russians and Kyrgyz; in Turkmenistan, between the Turkmen and the Baluchs and between the Baluchs and
Berbers 214; in Tajikistan between Tajiks and Uzbeks (V, 12‐17).
Land management and sowing campaign. Uzbekistan. Baystvo continues to widely practice the seizure of dekhkan lands, not only in areas that have not yet been developed land, but also where land reform has been carried out. At the same time, the bais oppose the newly endowed farmers to start processing the allotments received. With the support of the former Basmachi, the bais intimidate the farmers, seeking to eliminate the results of the land reform. In the Vabkent region, one of the major bays summoned the former Basmachs and addressed them with an appeal ʺto oppose the government, kill the Soviet workers and thus achieve the elimination of the land reform.ʺ
Land and water disputes, in addition to interethnic disputes, are in most cases intergeneric and often involve entire villages in acute conflicts.
The sowing campaign was accompanied by numerous abuses on the part of workers of the local authorities and agricultural partnerships. Often money and seed loans were given to bays and other wealthy elements.
Similar facts of seizure of land by the Baystvo, opposition to land management and incorrect distribution of the semssud are noted (to a lesser extent) in Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan (V, 18‐27).
Water issue in the border zone of Turkmenistan. With the onset of the sowing campaign in the border regions of Turkmenistan, the issue of water flow along the rivers originating in Persia became much more complicated. It was established that the Persians border areas in some cases, intercepted water Meana rivers Chaacha, quiver, Chandyr and others. So, Chaachinsky ditch Tejen district gives our territory a ʹ/ b part of the established water‐Convention rules, the rest of the water is used by the Persians to irrigate rice plantations. A number of Turkmen villages were left without the required amount of water, as a result of which the sowing campaign (in particular, the cotton one) was in jeopardy.
On this basis, there is strong discontent among farmers. In two auls (Chaacha and Ancha‐Tepe), special meetings of farmers were held, at which resolutions were issued: ʺIf there is not enough water in the coming days, take it by force, destroying the dams built on the Persian territory.ʺ
Basmachism. As a result of the operations carried out in the Osh district of Kyrgyzstan, the Dzhanybekakazy gang, driven out of KaraShura, was divided into two groups, one of which, led by Abdullabek, remained in our territory, and the other, under the command of Dzhanybek, crossed into China.
The fact that Dzhanybek left his kurbashi and cattle in Kara‐Shura indicates the possibility of renewed actions by Dzhanybekʹs gangs.
Since the transition of Dzhanybekakazy to active protests, small armed criminal gangs have appeared in the regions of the Jalal‐Abad district of Kyrgyzstan and the Andijan district of Uzbekistan. These gangs are mostly formed from members of the Basis clan (Dzhanybek clan). In a number of auls in the Jalal‐Abad district, dekhkans stopped field work for fear of an attack by bandits.
In the Tashauz district of Turkmenistan, small bandits are operating, making raids on auls, robbing farmers and kidnapping women. In Chardzhui and Kerkinsky districts, along with local gangs, gangs that have crossed over from Afghanistan operate. One of these gangs had the intention of taking the wives of Uzbek kurbashs to Afghanistan. One of the gangs carried out a series of robberies and murders of farmers and women. There is one gang in the Merv region that crossed over from Persia.
Rumors of war. Anti‐Soviet agitation. Widely using information about the events in England and China, bays, Muslims, merchants and other anti‐Soviet elements of the Kirghiz aul spread rumors about the alleged war that has already begun, the defeats of the Red Army, uprisings within the USSR, etc. in the first place in the army, bai in some places seek the exit of the poor from the union. Campaigning against the performance of military service by Kyrgyz youth, bai, mullahs and ishans recommend that parents give false information about the age of their sons. At the same time, the bais intensified their activities to incite hostile attitudes of the Kyrgyz towards the Russian peasantry and the Cossacks.
A similar activity, to an even greater extent, is noted on the part of the kulak‐ataman elite of the Russian village and the Cossack village. In conversations with individual peasants or groups of peasants, kulaks, former chieftains, White Guards, etc., give provocative interpretations of newspaper information, foreshadowing the inevitable death of the Soviet regime and the communists. The allegations of the fall of Soviet power are supported by the kulaks with the opinion of the split in the CPSU (b) and the discontent of the peasantry. Inciting Russian antagonism towards the Kyrgyz, anti‐Soviet elements call on the Russians to demand the mobilization of the Kyrgyz into the army on a par with the Russians. Pointing to the oppression of Russians by the Kirghiz in matters of land use, the kulaks call for armed protection and the recapture of land from the Kirghiz.
In the absence of any noticeable explanatory campaign, the lively activity of anti‐Soviet elements in the aul, village and stanitsa evokes an alarming mood of the masses of the population, giving place to the widespread dissemination of provocative rumors (V, 28‐38).
Decomposition of public organizations. Along with the spread of rumors about the war, the Kyrgyz Baystvo, with the close participation of mullahs, ishans, aksakals and former Alashordyns, in a number of cases seeks to decompose the Koshchi union, to liquidate the izbreading rooms and sovshkols (Ural, Aktobe provinces). They organize secret meetings of beys and their supporters (Akmola province), discussing the issue of discrediting communists and public workers. At the same time, the bai in many cases seize the Koshchi apparatus, directing its work in their own interests (Kara‐Kalpak region, Ural province).
The Russian kulaks and the well‐to‐do ataman elite of the village are carrying out similar work to liquidate the cross‐committees, disrupt the decisions on collective plowing of the cross‐committees in the fund, close schools and reading rooms, work on organizing the poor, etc. (Dzhetysu, Aktobe, Ural, Semipalatinsk provinces.) (V, 39‐45).
Redistribution of land in the Kyrgyz village. The campaign for the redistribution of arable and hayfields has caused a lively activity of the Kyrgyz bayship, which uses all sorts of means to leave behind land surpluses.
Not limiting themselves to open agitation against redistribution, the bai bribe the poor, giving them agricultural implements for temporary use, organizing special poor groups or Koshchi cells, seizing their leadership, and defending surplus land under their cover. In a number of cases, the bais seize the aul troikas for the distribution of land, directing their work in their favor. On this basis, a mass of undisclosed land disputes arises, as a result of which in some places the disputed plots remain undeveloped (V, 46‐49).
Interethnic tensions on the basis of land use. A further exacerbation of the relationship between the Kyrgyz and the Russians is noted on the basis of numerous land disputes and mutual losses of meadows. In some places, relations are so aggravated that they threaten to result in mutual carnage (Akmola, Semipalatinsk provinces). The aggravation of relations is facilitated by the bayism and the kulaks, inciting national antagonism with calls for armed defense of the lands (V, 50‐53).
Rumors of war. Anti‐Soviet agitation. In all national regions, the kulaks, traders, former white bandits and other anti‐Soviet elements contribute to the spread of various provocative rumors: about the war that has already begun, about a hundred thousandth landing in the Black Sea region and on the borders of Poland, about the advancement of British troops from China, about the announcement of a general mobilization in the USSR and etc. The rumors spread by anti‐Soviet elements are reinforced by the ʺpropheciesʺ of the mullahs from the Koran 215 and the saints.
The attitude of the population to the war in most regions has not yet taken shape completely. The alarming and expectant mood of the mountain population, which is common for almost all national regions, is in some places accompanied by the voluntary attendance of young people at recruiting centers (Ingushetia).
Of particular interest is the attitude of the national intelligentsia and native former officers to the war, who make the war dependent on the successes of the Chinese revolution, while at the same time expressing doubts about the fighting efficiency of the Red
Army with its ʺweak technique and discipline.ʺ Interesting are the different opinions existing among the former officers on the question of the attitude of the Soviet government towards them in case of war. Some believe that the former officers will undergo great repression and will be isolated in concentration camps during the war. Others consider it possible to call them into the Red Army, which at first will need experienced personnel of national instructors. In places, the fear of possible reprisals leads some of the officers to the idea of the need to hide in the event of a war in the mountains and forests. This thought is partly caused by the unwillingness to serve as ʺcannon fodder for the Bolsheviksʺ and ʺgo to fight for the trampsʺ (Ossetia) (V, 54‐58).
The activity of the kulaks. Anti‐Soviet agitation. Along with the spread of rumors about the war, the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements, with the close participation of the Muslim clergy, are conducting intensified agitation against certain measures of the Soviet government, urging the population to protest against the registration and seizure of vakuf property, against the eviction of former landowners (Dagestan), not to join the KKOV (there same), abandon the organization of cooperative partnerships, the delivery of zakyat 216 in the KKOV (Kabardino‐Balkarian region), sending children to Soviet schools (everywhere), etc. In a number of cases, thanks to the activity of the kulaks and the great authority of the Muslim clergy, this campaign is successful ... Representatives of the lower Soviet apparatus (Dagestan) often take part in anti‐Soviet agitation (V, 59‐62).
Dredges. Interethnic tensions on the basis of land use. With the beginning of field work, intra‐settlements, inter‐settlements and border land disputes resumed. The inactivity and negligence of land authorities in resolving land disputes, evenly distributing land and establishing precise boundaries generates strong discontent among the population, often making these disputes protracted and exacerbating the antagonism between the disputing parties. Land disputes, mainly border disputes, especially exacerbate relations between individual nationalities, threatening to escalate into serious conflicts (Ossetia, Karachay, Kabardino‐Balkar oblast and Sunzhensky district). On the basis of land use, there have been cases of fights and armed clashes (Karachay, Dagestan, Chechnya, Ossetia) (V, 63‐70).
The opposition of the wealthy and the kulaks to land management.
The kulaks, the Muslim community and other anti‐Soviet elements are taking all measures to disrupt land management work. Not limiting themselves to open agitation, well‐to‐do kulak elements organize special groups and secret meetings with the aim of opposing land management and retaining the best and largest land plots. In some cases, the leaders of the kulak‐prosperous groupings are representatives of the grassroots Soviet apparatus (Circassia), and sometimes the district (Dagestan), who direct the work in the interests of the kulaks.
Characterized by the facts of a breakdown by a group of wealthy people, under the guidance of a teacher, at a general meeting of the question of the per capita division of hayfields 217 (Karachay), travel of group members to auls and collecting public sentences on the allotment of better land, first of all, to the Nogays and on the eviction of Russians from the region (Dagestan), seizure of land commissions (ibid.), unauthorized seizures of land (Ossetia), etc. (V, 71‐74).
Rumors of war. Rumors of war, spread mainly by anti‐Soviet elements, are becoming widespread. The deliberate misinterpretation of newspaper reports about Chinese and British events creates an overly anxious mood among the masses of the peasantry. The activity of former members of anti‐Soviet parties ‐ Mensheviks in Georgia, Dashnaks in Armenia and Musavatists in Azerbaijan ‐ has significantly revived. The spread of provocative rumors about the war is accompanied by intensified agitation against the Soviet regime and the Communist Party with indications of the ʺlack of democracyʺ, etc. Rumors of war are noticeably reflected in the relationship between individual nationalities, in particular, between the Turks and the Armenians. On the part of the Turks, there is a desire to relocate to the
Turkic regions from areas with a mixed population.
Riots among the workers of Baku in connection with the Kasimov case. The rape and murder of the daughter of one of the Russian workers (Montin plant, Chernogorodsky district) by the assistant director of oil refineries Kasimov (a Turkic communist) and two Turkic workers caused great unrest among the workers in the mountains. Baku. The verdict of the Supreme Court on the execution of all three accused and the subsequent pardon of Kasimov, by the decision of the AzCEC, caused discontent among the Turkic workers, and after Kasimovʹs pardon ‐ strong indignation among the Russian workers. At a number of enterprises, Russian workers, quitting their jobs, demanded the convocation of meetings and the abolition of Kasimovʹs pardon. The workers were especially outraged by the fact that the resolution on the execution of two workers and the pardoning of the leader, responsible worker, remained in force. On this basis, rumors spread about the relationship between Kasimov and the chairman of the AzCEC. At workersʹ meetings, resolutions were passed demanding the execution of all three guilty parties. In some cases, workersʹ meetings threatened to turn into protest demonstrations. In the actions and moods of the workers, manifestations of national antagonism were observed. The antagonism between the Russians and the Turks spread even among the cadets of the Workersʹ University.
The unrest engulfed not only the broad non‐party masses of workers, but also the communists. Thirteen cases of the withdrawal from the party of Russian workers, dissatisfied with the decree of the Central Executive Committee on pardoning Kasimov, were noted. At a meeting of the party activist of the Krasnaya Zvezda power plant, the PreZavkom, in the presence of 60 people, insisted on passing a resolution on the re‐election of the AzCEC.
A number of meetings with explanatory reports of representatives of the AzCEC and the Central Committee of the AKP brought some reassurance, but general discontent continues to be felt. Noteworthy is the refusal of the Russian workers of some enterprises to participate in the demonstration against the London events (V, 88‐93).
Land and water disputes. National antagonism on the basis of land use. In the process of land management and water management, numerous intra‐settlement and inter‐settlement disputes continue to be noted. The seizure of the best and large plots of land by the members of the land commission, the allotment of the same plots to the kulaks, the disregard for the poor and other abnormalities that are quite widespread, further contribute to the deepening of land disputes, generating strong discontent among the peasants. Land‐water disputes, accompanied by mutual damage to crops, unauthorized seizure and sowing of plots and, in connection with this, fights, injuries, exacerbate national relations, threatening to result in serious clashes (Azerbaijan ‐ Agdam district, Nakhichevan region ‐ Paraginsky and Tumbul districts,
Armenia ‐ Echmiadzin and Erivan districts). On the basis of national antagonism on the part of Armenians and Turks, there is a tendency both to evict each other from villages with a mixed population, and to resettlement: Armenians from Azerbaijan to Armenia and Turks from Armenia to Azerbaijan. Kulaks, clergy, and chauvinistic elements of the village are the instigators of enmity on both sides (V, 93‐100).
Purchase and sale of land. Lease of land plots. In a number of districts, the purchase and sale of land continues to be practiced, in most cases by kulaks (Georgia ‐ Gori region, Adjaristan ‐ Kobuleti district, Azerbaijan ‐ Kazakh district, Nakhichevan region ‐ Ordubat district). The reason for the sale of land is that the kulaks have land in excess of the norm and the unwillingness to cultivate it themselves. In Georgia, there were two cases of leasing land plots on enslaving terms, in one case by the sons of a priest living in the mountains. Tiflis (Shorapansky district), and in another ‐ by a former landowner who rented out the land taken from him (Kutaisi district). Often, local authorities, knowing about completed transactions, do not take any measures (V, 100‐105).
Revolt of Shahsevan tribes 218 in Persia. In the last days of May, an uprising of the Shahsevan tribes broke out in the neighboring regions of Persia (Ermyshinsky and Perembelsky), which disarmed the Persian border units. In the Zavalan region, armed clashes take place between the rebels and the Persian troops. Two delegates from the insurgent Shahsevans came to our Belyasuvar frontier detachment with a request for permission for the insurgents to move to the territory of Soviet Azerbaijan. According to the statement of the same delegates, the uprising was initiated by the British. There is a 50‐man gang in the Talysh‐Mikeli area, intending to enter our territory with the aim of attacking our border outposts and obtaining weapons for the rebels. In the border strip of our territory (Lankaran region), there is an intensified purchase of weapons.
In connection with the uprising of the Shahsevans, the activities of the bandits who had previously emigrated from our territory to Persia revived. In the Belyasuvar sector, there were three raids on our border settlements, accompanied by robbery of the population. On the Jebrail area, 7 raids were carried out by the overseas gangs. The bandits stole more than 100 head of cattle to Persia, killed one policeman and wounded two peasants.
Internal national republics
Rumors of war. Anti‐Soviet agitation. Crimea, Bashkiria, Tataria, Chuvashia. The kulaks, merchants and other anti‐Soviet elements, intensively spreading provocative rumors about an alleged war with Poland, England and other capitalist countries, are simultaneously conducting anti‐Soviet agitation, threatening to beat up communists, Komsomol members and all supporters of Soviet power. Under the influence of widespread rumors, the population in places stocks up on basic necessities (Bashkiria). On the basis of kulak agitation in Crimea, cases of peasantsʹ refusal to relocate to separate land plots (Simferopol region) and the liquidation of a poor artel (Feodosia region) were noted.
Representatives of the Muslim faith, taking an active part in spreading rumors, in some places ʺprophesyʺ the death of the Soviet regime and the Communist Party, promising that ʺCrimea will be an independent republic of Tatarsʺ (Sevastopol region) (V, 106‐112).
Anti‐Semitism. Crimea. Rumors of war and the growth of anti‐Soviet agitation intensify the hostile attitudes of the Tatar and Russian population towards the Jewish settlers. In a number of cases, the antiSoviet agitation of the kulaks is accompanied by indications of the ʺdominance of Jewsʺ in the state apparatus. At the same time, the kulaks are spreading rumors that the loans provided to the Jewish settlers will have to be paid for by the Russian and Tatar peasants and that the Jews will eventually force the peasants to work for themselves. Anti‐Semitic sentiments were also noted among the Komsomol members, the national intelligentsia, and Russian coworkers (V, 113‐117).
Land management. Crimea, Tataria. Intrasettlement land management meets with strong opposition from the wealthy and kulak part of the population, using all sorts of means to disrupt and delay land management work. At the same time, a number of cases of seizure of the best plots of land by fists were registered. The delay in land management is also facilitated by the negligence and sluggishness in the work of grassroots zemorgans. In Tataria, a number of land disputes are accompanied by fights and in some cases threaten to turn into armed clashes (Lakhshevsky district, Bugulma, Sviyazhsky cantons) (V, 118‐120).
Anarchists. There is a further increase in the activity of the anarch underground, which is especially noticeable in Moscow, Leningrad, and Vladimir provinces. and in Ukraine, where new circles for the study of anarchism and underground groups are being organized and new members are being intensively drawn into the already existing circles, ties with abroad are strengthening. By May 1, underground leaflets were issued in Leningrad with the signature: ʺPetersburg group of anarchsʺ and ʺPetersburg group of anarchists‐syndicalistsʺ. An anarchist leaflet, printed on a chapirograph, was also distributed in the Vladimir province. among members of an underground group; in the same place the anarch underground prepares an underground meeting of the anarchists of the province, a code has been worked out for conducting correspondence between the members of the group.
The intensified underground activity of the anarchists in the Bryansk province, mainly among the workers of the Bryansk and Bezhetsk factories, deserves attention. An attempt to issue a leaflet by May 1 is noted here. A similar attempt was made by an underground group in
Crimea; the leaflet written here also failed to be distributed.
Some revival of the anarch underground was noted, in addition, in the North Caucasus and in the Oryol province. The revival of the activity of the admiralty was noted in the North‐Dvinskaya province, the Komiregion, the Tver province, Kazakhstan, Siberia and the DVK.
Mensheviks. On May 1, leaflets were distributed in Leningrad signed ʺDemocratic Youth Groupʺ, as well as unsigned, written on a chapirograph. Both leaflets are clearly Menshevik in content. The “Democratic Youth Group” of three people was liquidated by the OGPU PP in the LVO, and it was established that it managed to publish 7 titles of leaflets on topical issues and two brochures: “Platform of the DSM” and “Soviet system”. The content of this literature testifies to the acquaintance of the members of the group with the program and the foreign press organ of the Mensheviks.
Zionists. All Zionist‐socialist parties celebrated May 1 within the organizations, not allowing external demonstrations in order to avoid repression. Nevertheless, the Odessa Zion [istko] ‐socialist‐scout youth organization distributed about 50 leaflets, which were immediately seized.
Deputy before the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Alekseev
Correct: Help. Secretary of INFO OGPU
APPENDIX No. 1
1. Verkh‐Isetsky plant ʺRed roof” Gormet (Urals). On May 12, 200 workers of the open‐hearth shop went on strike due to the fact that their extra earnings, which reached 220%, by increasing the norms and switching from progressive piecework to direct, was limited to 82%, and in April, due to the counting of workers, it dropped to 41% ... The workers demanded the convocation of a general meeting, at which sharp protests against the administration took place: ʺYou need to rip your heads off and take them out in a wheelbarrow, you are not the plant managers, if you do not increase your salaries, we will go on strike.ʺ At the meeting, it was decided to propose to the plant management within three days to give its views on the increase in wages and to convene a general meeting on May 11.
On May 11, at a workshop meeting of the workers ʹasset, it was decided: ʺIf the workersʹ demand is not satisfied, from May 12 the work will be stopped.ʺ On the same day, at a general workshop meeting of workers, the assetʹs resolution was announced on the announcement of a strike on May 12, if there was no increase in prices. The non‐party worker Shalin spoke at the meeting: ʺWe cannot continue to work, because we cannot earn our bread.ʺ On the issue of prices, 20 people spoke up, offering to stop the work. Attempts by the administration and trade union workers to act were thwarted by the workers. The protest against the strike of the worker Abramov, who offered to check the technical condition of the furnaces by a special commission, was greeted with shouts: ʺYou are a careerist and you are making your way to the foreman.ʺ When voting by an overwhelming majority with 4 against, it was decided to work from 6 oʹclock. to stop on the morning of May 12 (the meeting was attended by over 200 workers). The workers also demanded the dismissal of the head of the workshop Bayarshinov: ʺWe need to remove him, we do not need these, we will not remove them ‐ we will take them out in a wheelbarrow ourselves.ʺ In private conversations, some said about Bayarshinov: ʺIf there is a war, before fighting, we will throw Bayarshinov into the oven.ʺ Bayarshinov in his treatment of workers is rude. He treats most of the workers strictly, gives advances to pets, does not pay attention to drunkenness during work. The workers of the large‐section shop approve of the organization and perseverance of the open‐hearth furnaces: “They put pressure on well and the plant management got busy. And we are fighting to no avail ‐ we do not have a friendly union. Since our prices do not come out according to honor, then we should do the same as they do. ʺ The mood of the workers of the large‐section shop has recently deteriorated, in connection with the introduction of new terms of payment for downtime and rates, as a result of which the salary for April was significantly reduced (from 75 rubles to 60 rubles, etc.). The workers declared: “They planted engineers, old bourgeoisie, so they laugh at us. Party members and the factory committee receive large salaries, they close our eyes. We must act in an organized manner. We fought a lot and received nothing but a load and a
reduction. Apparently, we will again have to fight with them (engineers and other specialists) and whip everyone in a row. ʺ
The strike leaders in the number of 9 people were presented with a settlement.
A number of communists in the shop, before the strike was announced, indirectly supported the aspirations of the workers, and subsequently approved the following: “The open‐hearth furnaces will certainly achieve an increase in wages, since they did the right thing: they were busy in advance and warned of the strike” (member of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks Poroshin, an authorized leaf‐rolling shop).
The 6 most authoritative workers (Rykov, Zaikin, Shalin, Orlov, Kabalin, Burov) were invited to the meeting of the trade union activists that preceded the strike. They had prepared a resolution in advance, the essence of which was as follows: to stop work, to establish duty patrols to prevent those workers who did not join the strike from accessing the stoves, and to send two delegates to Moscow.
2. Arms Factory (Tula). On May 19, the workers of the saw‐tooth workshop (33 people) stopped working due to a decrease in prices by 20.5% compared to the old collective agreement. Without agreeing with the administration, the workers filed an application with the RKK asking for an increase in prices. The stop lasted 1 hour.
3. Kharkov steam locomotive plant (Kharkiv city). On May 26, 27 machinists from the blacksmith shop stopped working. The reason for the strike is as follows: according to an additional agreement concluded between UMT and the Union of Metalworkers, the machinists are transferred to a new pay, i.e., are equated to daytime skilled workers. In this regard, machinists earning up to 140 rubles. per month, will receive no more than 70‐75 rubles. per month. In connection with the strike of machinists, the rest of the workers, who were connected with the work of machinists, among 50 people, were forced to stop working. The strike was ended by the promise of the pre‐Zavkom committee to settle the issue. The break in work lasted 20 minutes. On May 14, a team of workers in the boiler shop, working on the assembly of tanks (ordered by Pivtrest), stopped working, dissatisfied with low prices (an 8‐grade worker does not work more than 60 rubles per month).
4. Rykovsky metal plant Yugostal (Artyomovsky district). On May 4, the rolling makers of the 219th rolling shop (75 people) did not start work on the first shift, demanding an immediate resolution of the issue of standardization. The trade union representative of the shop who appeared to them said: ʺWhy did we choose you, so that you can walk with folded hands, or to protect our interests.ʺ There were such separate shouts: ʺCall the factory, we will deal with him now.ʺ
5. Among the workers of the plant “Krasnaya Zvezdaʺ (the city of Zinovievsk) there is a strong discontent in connection with the forthcoming reduction. On May 12, at a general meeting, the director of the plant announced that 320 workers would be fired. On May 13, lists of the dismissed were posted. No work was done for these two days. The workers met in groups to discuss the reduction. The following conversations took place: “Why does the government write about the growth of our industry and about unemployment abroad. They say that our industry is above the pre‐war level, and how many unemployed people are still throwing new workers overboard. Why does the government not openly declare the situation to the workers? If the state does not eliminate unemployment, then we will have to face again with 1921‐1922. ʺ Individual Menshevik‐minded workers are especially active. They indicate that that the Soviet government is inciting the imperialist powers against itself and artificially provoking war. The Soviet government is violating the existing peaceful situation by providing material assistance to China220. Scatters huge money aimlessly, and the Kuomintang 221 for his assistance ʺspat in the face of Soviet Russia.ʺ At this plant, this group of workers agitates against Jews and party members: “The Jews do not care whether there will be a war or not, they will not go into the trenches, they will still sit in offices and carry briefcases, and we will have to pull the strap again. They waited for our workers ʹand peasantsʹ non‐exploitative government, which in fact arranges for its well‐being, but throws the workers out into the street. There is no one to sell their labor, their health; if you remain unemployed, you will die of hunger, and before that there was plenty of work. ʺ This agitation finds sympathy among the rest of the workers. Workersʹ dissatisfaction is further aggravated by lower rates and the transfer of skilled workers to lower ranks.
6. Zaporozhye metal plant ʺKommunarʺ (Ukraine). May 12 The mood of workers, especially those of lower qualifications, is depressed. The reason is the forthcoming reduction in connection with the rationalization of production. The workers say: ʺIf the industry is mechanized, then we, the workers, will have to leave the factories in the majority and unemployment will increase several times.ʺ On April 15, at the delegate meeting, there was also the question of reductions. Locksmith Mokhnach said: ʺWe live in a country where it is time not to think about cutting down, but to reduce the working day, to improve their economic condition and thereby approach socialism.ʺ In the repair and restoration department, highly qualified workers were laid off, in particular, toolmakers Skokov and Litvinenko. The latter, having learned about the layoff, appeared at the shop in a drunken state, began to agitate against the government and the party: “This is a bandit government, not a worker’s,
3. Delay in salary
7. Plants of Gosachugplav (Tula province). Due to the systematic delay in wages among workers, there was a sharp discontent with the administration. Particularly sharp dissatisfaction takes place at the Dubensky plant, where the final payment for March has not yet been issued (20% has not been delivered yet), and in April and May the workers have received nothing at all. The workers have no means of subsistence (cases of starvation have been reported). In connection with the delay in wages, there is talk about the need to declare a strike.
At the Sudakovsky plant them. Dzerzhinsky of the same trust also did not make the final payment for April and did not issue an advance payment for May. There is also talk of a strike among the workers at this plant. On May 20, 5 workers of the third shift of skaters refused to work, saying to the foreman: ʺWe have not eaten anything today.ʺ Textile workers
8. F‐ka ʺKrasnaya Vetkaʺ Ivtextil (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). After receiving the salary for April, discontent arose among the workersmuleschikov on the basis of shortcomings in April, on average, for each from 15 to 20 kopecks. in a day. On May 6, the day shift workers (90 people) quit their jobs and went to the factory, demanding that the issue of wages be settled immediately, for which the director was invited to be present. The director pointed out that the salary was reduced in connection with the order of the trust to switch from duck No. 39 to No. 38 (earlier the mills earned 3 rubles 82 kopecks a day, and in April they worked 3 rubles 54 kopecks). The workers demanded that a general meeting be called. At a meeting held at 9 oʹclock. In the evenings, after the directorʹs report, the workers who spoke pointed out: ʺWe are suffering a big loss with the introduction of points, we are not working out 3 rubles a month from them, we need to start the cars at low speedʺ, etc. One worker millman said: “There are too many administration and employees in the factory, head. The spinning mill needs to be taken out in a wheelbarrow, because thanks to it, the work at the factory does not improve. ʺ This performance was met with a sympathetic attitude towards itself from those present. At the end of the meeting, it was decided to elect a commission to clarify the issue. The workers nominated representatives from the workshops to the commission, mostly non‐partisans, who actively spoke at meetings before the conflict.
9. Faculty of Krasnovolzhskaya m‐ry Gostresta (Kineshemsky district of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). At the suggestion of the labor inspector, on May 4, a machine fence was installed on the beating machine of the finishing factory. The next day, the workers of the first shift (34 people), having called a representative of the factory committee to the factory, demanded that the fence be removed, since it interfered with work. The Factory Committee informed the labor inspector of this with a request to send a representative to resolve the issue, but the representative was not sent, and on May 7 the workers quit their jobs, presenting a secondary demand to remove the fence. The demand was supported by workers from another hammering machine, on which the barrage was not arranged. The workers of the first shift did not start work until the end of the shift, the workers of the second shift, also in the amount of 34 people, out of solidarity with the workers of the first shift did not work until then,
10. Spinning factory named after Sverdlov (Leningrad, workers 2400) Lentekstil. Due to low prices, the earnings of spinners working on yarn No. 60 decreased by 8‐10 rubles in the second half of April. On May 6, 42 spinners stopped the machines (14 pieces) and sent worker Veselov to tell the administration about his unwillingness to work at the existing rate. In the presence of representatives of the trust and the Union, the workers agreed to an increase of 4.5 kopecks. for 10 kilograms of yarn. The strike lasted 15 minutes.
11. On May 14, 15 miners of the Krasny Profintern mine (Artyomovsk district) of the Yugostal Yenakievsky combine refused to go to work, dissatisfied with the prices due to the strength of the breed. On May 12, the miners filed an application with the KRK demanding an increase in prices and the KKK gained 13 kopecks. per meter, which did not satisfy them. Despite the promises of the pre‐mine committee to settle this issue, the workers did not want to get to work, demanding its immediate resolution. On May 16, the miners resumed work, and three of them were fired.
On May 19, 30 miners did not go to work in the morning due to dissatisfaction with the production rates. Back on May 9, these miners submitted an application to the KRK to revise the norms, but the sent commission did not speak out in their favor. On May 18, the miners warned the head. underground works that will go on strike in the morning. The miners did not work for two full working days. On May 20, they appeared at the KKK, but the technicians objected that they refused to investigate their issue until work was resumed. The workers, for their part, declared that they would not start work, but would send their representatives to the Union. However, on May 21, work resumed, despite the unsettledness of the issue, and the workers said that if any of them were not allowed to work, then they would all require calculation.
12. Mine them. Rakovsky (840 workers, Kryvyi Rih district) NikopolMargansevsky mining department. In mine No. 10, 48 workers went on strike on the basis of high production rates. The strike lasted 8 hours. After that, the third shift (48 people) also tried to go on strike and did not work for one hour, and after persuasion from the administration began to work. The next day, all shifts went to work without waiting for any results.
13. Peat extraction at ʺPower transmission” (workers 3500). On May 16, in the morning, 15 peat‐bog artels in the amount of 450 people at the Sakovo‐Poryadino site stopped working due to low wages. The peat bogs asked for an increase of 75 kopecks. for 1000 pieces of peat bricks. On May 17, at 2 pm, the peat bogs started to work under the same conditions. The question of wages is decided by the Union.
14. Dneprostroy. Since the beginning of April, some groups of workers (mostly unskilled workers) have been complaining about the lack of wages. There is talk among some of the carpenters that ʺyou need to quit your job here.ʺ Prices are also a source of discontent. The same works are sometimes regarded differently. So, for example, at the foreman Krul, the dissolution of lime for one cubic meter is regarded as 1 ruble. 60 kopecks, and the foreman Semenko ‐ 1 ruble. 35 kopecks on this occasion, some workers say: ʺSpin as they want.ʺ Many workers also complain about the lack of respirators, goggles and overalls among the workers who are loosening lime; on this basis, conversations are also noted, which can be for 1 ruble. 35 kopecks and even ruin your health that you need to quit your job.
On April 26, a group of unskilled laborers filed an application addressed to the workersʹ committee for a 50% increase in wages, since the current earnings, including the cost of travel, are completely unsatisfactory. The statement ends with the words: ʺIf the increase is denied, it will affect labor productivity.ʺ The initiators of this statement are two unskilled laborers, both of whom were exiled. Both of them collected over 100 signatures while working on applications. Among themselves, they said that ʺthe guys are ready for a strike.ʺ
On April 31, at a general meeting of workers and employees, after a report by the deputy. Rottertʹs chief engineer was made by a number of workers. Worker Avdeev began to ʺcoverʺ the Dnieper rule on the order of 222 for low prices, improper distribution of work, nepotism and other abnormalities. Worker Zaitsev pointed out that “the Soviet government deliberately creates unemployment in order to exploit the unemployed, who have no other choice but to work for 1 ruble. 35 kopecks. ʺ He drew a parallel between the workers of Ford and Dneprostroy: “Although it was only afterwards, the workers of Ford still receive up to 10 dollars for 6 hours, and on Dneprostroy not only sweat, but also blood, the worker for 8 hours. receives only 1 rub. 35 kopecks. ʺ He ended his speech with an appeal to the workers to protest before the board of Dneprostroy ʺfor unprecedented exploitation and demand an increase in prices, otherwise all the workers will leave their work in solidarity.ʺ
15. Yalta region (Dolossy). Work on the buildings began on April 8th. 130 people of different qualifications are employed; wages: skilled workers 2 rubles, the rest from 1 rubles. 16 kopecks. up to 1 rub. 48 kopecks. per day (last year, these same workers received from 4 to 5 rubles per day). On the basis of the alleged cut in wages, workers threaten to burn down the barracks and go on strike. This mood was especially pronounced at the pre‐election meeting of the workersʹ committee on April 28. Some of the workers who spoke said: “The workers are now under pressure, we must go on strike, because we cannot continue working this way. The Union Board got in touch with business executives and concluded an incorrect agreement. Everything is being built behind the workersʹ backs, we are being pushed to the ground. ʺ Worker Skachkov, a former member of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, said: “What do we need a party, why do we need Soviets, when every hour we are being strangled more and more. Down with the red arbitrariness. ʺ
On April 30, a meeting of workers was called again with the agenda: ʺProspects for the Doloss works.ʺ The chairman of the Buildersʹ Union spoke in the debate, who openly defended the administrationʹs line, saying: ʺIn no case should workers be allowed to earn a lot this year, we need to lower prices.ʺ The workers, outraged by such a performance, tried to create a scandal for Bardakov. Strong discontent of the workers caused the conclusion of a collective agreement with the Union without discussing it at the meeting. The workers found out about the existence of the collective agreement only when they received their wages. The workers intend to go on strike in the midst of the construction season, in June, when 700‐800 workers will be employed.
16. Fermentation at the Stationery Volodarsky Boomtrest (Leningrad). May 20 at the Writing and paper department named after Zinoviev went off under the guise of an excursion, a delegation of workers from the factory. Volodarsky. The task of the delegation was: to find out the size of the earnings of the workers of the factory. Zinoviev. If their salary is higher than that of the Volodars, the latter decided to ʺItalianʺ.
May 27 and 28 at the Faculty of Volodarsky collected signatures under a statement demanding a wage increase. 200 signatures were collected. The initiator and collector of signatures is the senior roller 223 Alekseev. In a statement, the workers demand:
1) Urgent convocation of a meeting of the RKK together with the department of the Union for the payment of recalculation from January 1 of this year. G., a reduced premium against the factory. Zinoviev. The decrease was expressed on average for each worker from 10 to 20 rubles. monthly.
2) Henceforth, set the percentage of the bonus not lower than the bonus to the workers of the factory. Zinoviev.
3) All those guilty of reducing to bring to justice.
The workers will wait two weeks for their demands to be satisfied. If the issue is not resolved at the RKK, a strike is expected, which, according to the workers, will continue until the workersʹ demands are met.
The workers are supposed to strike in the following three ways:
a) seize the stoker, fill the boiler furnaces and stop the entire factory;
b) on a certain day, all three shifts go out at once at 7 oʹclock. in the morning and remove everyone from work, leaving one person at a time on the machines and machines to observe the possibility of their damage by irresponsible workers, and then hand over the cars to the administration and go out to the rest of the street;
c) modify the raw materials (masses), leave empty vats, rolls and machines, and be in place ourselves, but not work.
On May 27, at 2 am, a member of the factory committee and the head of the factory were summoned to the factory by someone unknown by phone. production. The latter intended to suspend the subscription and take away the application, but it was hidden. The application was supposed to be handed over to the chairman of the RKK, to the collective or the provincial committee of the CPSU. In addition, the workers wanted to call a meeting and invite a representative from the provincial committee of the CPSU. It has been suggested among the workers that a strike committee has been set up at the factory. At a meeting of the collective of the All‐Union Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the trade union representative told the district committee instructor: ʺIf my salary is reduced on the next payday, I will shoot three people from the office.ʺ The meeting was very stormy. Deputy The workers prevented the chairman of the trust from speaking.
Pom. Secretary of INFO OGPU Sosnin
APPENDIX # 2
RATIONALIZATION OF PRODUCTION
The transition to an increased number of machines, sides, machines and the compaction of the working day.
1. F‐ka them. Bauman Mostrikotazh (workers 800). On May 11, at an open party meeting, where non‐party people were also present, according to the directorʹs report on the rationalization of production by switching from 8 stocking machines to 12 machines and the need to reduce to 100 workers, non‐party workers who spoke in the debate said: “This rationalization will throw people into the street and will replenish the labor exchange”. One of the female workers who spoke suggested that in no case switch from 8 to 18 machines, saying: “We are being deceived, just as the coilers were deceived during the transition from 10 spindles to 15. Our earnings will still not increase, although the factory management promises to increase to 8 rubles ... per month, if it does rise, then no more than 6‐10 people. ʺ The meeting was stormy and did not come to any decision.
2. Spinning and weaving factory of the Voznesenskaya m‐ry of the 1st Moscow cotton trust (4100 workers). In connection with the installation of new water machines, the workers of the water department (339 people) were asked to move from machines of three sides to 8 sides. This issue was discussed at a general meeting, where the workers, fearing that this transition would entail a reduction in workers, refused to move, citing the refusal by the difficulty of working on 8 sides. The question is still open.
3. Faculty of the Big M‐ry Gostrest (workers 5257), IvanovoVoznesensk province. In connection with the rationalization of production, the workers of the scutching department (two shifts of 16 people) were transferred to service two machines (one worker for two machines), whereas before this event, one worker served one machine. In this regard, by the end of the working day, the workers were greatly overworked. In mid‐April, they submitted an application to GOST to cancel the innovation. GOST allowed the transfer of workers to one machine with a payment of 1 ruble. 45 kopecks. in a day. Late April scutchers 224 applied for pom. Head of the Spinning Factory with a request to allow them to switch to work on one machine. The workers stated that they have the appropriate permission from the Union of Textile Workers. Head The spinning mill refused the workers, saying: ʺYou never know what the Union decides, but we do not give our consent and it will not be.ʺ The workers intend to submit another application to the RKK.
4. F‐ka ʺZaryadyeʺ Voznesenskaya m‐ry Gostrest. In the Galandra department, 5 out of 15 machines were re‐equipped, which made it possible for one worker to service one machine, whereas before, two people worked on one machine. The output when working on one machine of two people (before the conversion) was expressed in 350 pieces per shift, moreover, the earnings of each was 46 rubles. per month. The output after the conversion of each worker on one machine is 290‐300 pieces per shift, and the earnings dropped to 38 rubles. per month, working conditions worsened. In the middle of April, rates and work were checked against timing, but the results of the check are still unknown, adding to worker discontent. The workers say: ʺIf the rest of the machines are also re‐equipped, then we will reduce production or stop working.ʺ
5. Factory of canvas products ʺKrasny Parus” Leningrad clothing (workers 600, Leningrad). May 3rd. The earnings of packers do not exceed 15 rubles. For two weeks. Previously, handhelds received 1 ruble for the production of 100 gloves. 10 kopecks, with the implementation of the tape system, this work is estimated at 57 kopecks. Low wages for packers and hand‐grippers displease workers.
On May 4, 22 workers went on strike at the factory, whose earnings, with the introduction of the belt system, fell from 37 kopecks. up to 26 kopecks in hour. The strike lasted half an hour.
6. Faculty of Novo‐Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya m‐ry Ivtextile. May 20. In the weaving department, the production of a denser variety of demikotone was introduced, which caused a lot of refills and a deficiency in April against March by 36‐40 kopecks. On the basis of shortcomings among the weavers (1,300 people), sharp discontent arose. On May 13, in the morning, some weavers began to talk about the need to stop the factory, call a meeting and discuss this issue. Despite the fact that the decline in earnings did not affect the apprentices, some of them said that if the weavers performed in an organized way, they would support them. At one oʹclock in the afternoon, a meeting of the first shift was held, the whole shift was present (500 people). An informational report was made by the head. factory. After the report there was a lot of noise, shouts, reproaches, etc. The meeting, without making any decision, dispersed in disorder. A proposal was made to form a commission. One of the apprentices, Tikhomirov, spoke out against the commission: ʺWhy are all these commissions, you need to stop the factory on May 14 and discuss this issue.ʺ The workers dispersed noisily without making any decision. On May 14, work continued as usual, and at 5 oʹclock. In the evening, a meeting was held, which was attended by only 100 people. Information about the results of the examination by the commission of other factories was provided by a member of the commission Tikhomirov (an apprentice), who pointed out that during the examination of the factories of the VD of the m‐ry and ʺZaryadyeʺ they found out that the work there proceeds under the same conditions as at the NIV factory of the m‐ry the only difference is that a demicotone of 15.5 vershoks works there, and 16 vershoks at NIV. The difference in salary is very small. Speaking on behalf of the commission, the weaver Mikhailova pointed out that nevertheless, the weavers of the NIV mill receive significantly less weavers from other factories: “We received an average of 1 ruble in March and April. 82 kopecks per day, and in other factories for 2 rubles. 06 kopecks in a dayʺ. Mikhailovaʹs speech was greeted by the assembly with shouts: ʺRight, right.ʺ After Mikhailova, the foreman spoke, pointing out that a partial defect is obtained only because at the NIV factory this type of refueling is new and the weavers did not have time to apply to it, while at other factories they work with it for two or three years. After his speech, the meeting dispersed without making any decision. At present, the weavers have taken a wait‐and‐see attitude, and a conflict can be expected when paying salaries.
Reduction and transfer to other jobs and enterprises. 7. Rodnikovskaya m‐ra Gostrest. In the weaving department, in connection with the introduction of automatic weaving looms ʺNorthropʺ, the weavers are being transferred from the Rodnikovskaya factory to the Gorko‐Pavlovskaya weaving m‐
ru. Among the workers assigned to the transfer (15 people), the transfer causes dissatisfaction, since they work there on three machines, while the salary rates are equal to those working at the Rodnikovskaya factory on two machines. In connection with the transfer, on May 3, a meeting of workers was held, where 200 people were present. At the meeting on the report on the rationalization of production, the workers who spoke in the debate pointed to the resolution that was worked out at the workersʹ conference on the report of the department, where it was said that the rationalization of production should be carried out by expanding production, and reduction ‐ due to natural loss. Another reduction must be with the consent of the workers. A worker spoke in the debate, who said: “There are not many machines supplied, but they are already making us feel a strong surplus of labor. If they are installed further, the surplus labor force will be even greater. Before rationalization, it was necessary to attach a weaving building, and then there would be no extra workers. It does not suit us to expel our comrades from the factory, let the administration itself do it, if it needs it. We didnʹt want to be kicked out of the factory after 25 years of work. It looks like an American‐style exploitation. According to the order from above, they will continue to install machines, and on the ground, the management, as a blind performer, will carry out, and we, the silent sheep, will be thrown out into the street. If weavers are needed for the Gorko‐Pavlovsk factory, then we have a lot of them on the stock exchange, from where they can be obtained. ʺ The meeting was disrupted.
8. In connection with the rationalization of production with the factory them. Shagova and other factories (Vychugsky district, IvanovoVoznesensk province), part of the skilled workers and weavers were sent to the newly launched factory named after Krasin (village of Staraya Vychuga). The corresponding clarification was not carried out and it was decided to conduct this event by administrative means. A voluntary registration was announced, and there were 300 people who signed up. The discontent was aggravated by the fact that after being seconded to the factory named after. Shagov, it was decided to transfer the workers to three machines, and the administration also announced a voluntary enrollment, and only 145 people signed up. Dissatisfaction with the transition to three looms was especially noted among the old weavers and weavers. Individual workers began to aggravate this discontent, agitating against business executives, this agitation was successful among the workers. The created mood prompted the bureau of the collective of the CPSU (b) to raise the issue of switching to three machines and transferring the freed workers to the factory in Staraya Vychuga in this connection ‐ on the agenda. The Bureau decided that the issue of the transition was timely.
On May 5, at a meeting of the second shift (185 people), the director, who made a presentation on the rationalization of production, was almost not allowed to speak. After the report, the following questions were asked: “What is the benefit to the state from the transition to three machines, does the administration consider health, why the head. the factory is transferring to triplets from the extreme rows, and not from the middle, and will they transfer sick weavers to triplets? Individual workers who spoke in the debate declared: ʺWe are poorly suited to the transfer of workers to three machines, it is good to repeat Leninʹs words about the re‐equipment of industry, but our factory is very bad and it is an unnecessary waste of energy.ʺ One of the weavers said: ʺConstantinople (chairman of Ivtextile) is not shown to us, but we must see him so that he can explain our situation to us, we are being led into a noose.ʺ One of the active participants in the conflict, Kurilov, noted: “With the transition to troikas, we will get very small profits, everything is done at the expense of the unfortunate weavers, but the chief executives such as director Koryagin are raking in money. Why did we take up arms, unless we fought for that, that we started working at 8 o’clock? and we work as much as under the bourgeois system at 10 oʹclock. They want to win back on three machines. Our conquests are a disgrace, a disgrace to the party, a disgrace to the rulers. ʺ Under the influence of these speeches, voices were heard among those present: ʺThey do not agree to switch to troikas.ʺ The secretary of the collective tried to make a proposal to the noise and shouts ‐ to take the report into consideration; the workers left the meeting.
At the meeting of the second shift on May 5, the speech of the chairman of Ivtextil was greeted with shouts and noise. The questions asked were generally similar to those asked at the meeting of the first shift: ʺDo they generally strive to make the work of the workers easier, why does the wages on three looms decrease by 8%, why is there a heavy load on weavers during rationalization?ʺ There were also a number of harsh speeches at this meeting. Worker Kurilov (speaking at a meeting of workers of the second shift) pointed out that “the transition to three machines is violence against the workers. A lot of promises were made during the revolution. The Soviet government has become worse than the British lords to oppress the workers. ʺ Kurilov ended his speech with the words: ʺThe working class needs new leaders who will be able to lead the workers to a new struggle.ʺ Kurilovʹs speech was supported by individual shouts of ʺcorrectʺ and thunderous applause. Another worker who spoke said: “The chairman of Ivtextile is lying in our eyes, promising to eliminate unemployment; I know the life of a bourgeois country, but there is no such insanity as ours, and they do not force me to switch to three machines”. Individual party members who spoke in defense of the transition to three machines were not allowed to speak. The chairman of Ivtextile was not allowed to finish his closing remarks. The speech of the bureauʹs staff secretary was greeted with shouts: ʺDown with it, thatʹs enough, we donʹt want to listen to you.ʺ Before the end of the meeting, the presidium received a note that the machine shop was asking for the floor, but the chairman of the meeting did not read the note, declaring the meeting closed. Then one locksmith (a former member of the CPSU (b)) turned to the presidium with the question:
Fabkom showed complete passivity during the conflict; none of the members of the factory committee came forward with an explanation.
The discontent of the workers is increasing due to the fact that earlier, according to the allocation of the district committee of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and in agreement with the regional Union of Textile Workers, it was planned to transfer 800 overgrown people to the Vychugsky District as weavers. At the f‐ke them. It was planned to accept up to 200 people on the allocation of Shagov, while 80 applications were submitted. But recently Ivtekstil received an order to cancel the reception of workers, due to his disagreement with the decisions of regional organizations. Only 16 people were accepted. In connection with this, the workers say: ʺThey are only deceiving us and do not reckon with us at all.ʺ
On May 10, the factory was working normally. 280 workers (voluntarily enrolled) moved to troikas.
Reduction. 9. Pervouralsk plant of seamless pipes (Ural, Gormet, 997 people). May 1. The reduction of 72 workers was carried out, mainly in the brick and open‐hearth workshops. Discontent over the reduction was more noticeable in the hot section of the pipe rolling shop. The workers at the general plant production conference in their speeches pointed out that “reducing the number of workers in the plantʹs situation will not improve. It is necessary to reduce the marriage and expel expensive, but do not understand the business, specialists, replacing them with others who would achieve a reduction in marriage.
ʺ However, the reduction was deemed necessary by the conference. Noticeably reflected on the mood of the workers, the administrationʹs failure to take measures (according to the statements of the workers) about the need to reduce storekeepers, whose staff had been established since the fall of 1926. The workers point out that, following the example of past work, until the fall of 1926, it is quite possible to do without storekeepers, who have absolutely nothing to do. There are also indications of the need to reduce timekeepers, whose duties, in the opinion of the workers, may well be performed by the master at the time of distribution of work.
10. Zaporozhye metal plant ʺKommunarʺ (Ukraine). 12 May. The mood of workers, especially those of lower qualifications, is depressed. The reason is the forthcoming reduction due to the rationalization of production. The workers say: ʺIf the industry is mechanized, then we, the workers, will have to leave the factories in the majority and unemployment will increase several times.ʺ On April 15, at the delegate meeting, there was also the question of reductions. Locksmith Mokhnach said: ʺWe live in a country where it is time not to think about cutting down, but to reduce the working day, to improve their economic condition and thereby approach socialism.ʺ Worker Titinev said: “During layoffs, you need to be careful not to fire a purebred proletarian. The plant employs many peasants who, no matter how much they earn, will always be satisfied. The same workers who are wholly dependent on the factory are trying to improve their material conditions, thus inciting the administrationʹs dissatisfaction. Such workers should not be laid off. ʺ The layoff took place on April 19 and caused a lot of criticism that indigent workers were calculated, while in some cases husband and wife were left behind. The workers indicated a number of specific cases and names, in connection with which there was talk about the need to revise the list of abbreviated ones.
In the repair and restoration workshop, highly qualified workers were laid off, in particular, toolmakers Skokov and Litvinenko. The latter, having learned about the layoff, came to the shop in a drunken state, began to agitate against the government and the party: ʺThis is a bandit government, not a worker, they are expelling old workers from the factory, the owner was much better.ʺ
Pom. Secretary of INFO OGPU Sosnin
APPENDIX No. 3
In the spring months of 1927, in connection with the sowing campaign and the beginning of the land management season, the struggle of social groups in the village around land management resumed. Litigations and conflicts between villages in connection with inter‐settlement land management also resumed.
Resistance to land management on the part of kulak groups
With the onset of the season of land management, kulak groups begin to organize to oppose land management, the formation of various agricultural partnerships and artels, and to seize convenient land. For the months of January‐May c. 25 such groups were identified (of them in the Center ‐ 5, in the North Caucasus ‐ 8, in the Volga region ‐ 2, in the Urals ‐ 2 and in Siberia ‐ 8). The following groupings are most characteristic: in the Tula lips. in the village. Mikhailovka, a group of kulaks and part of the middle peasants thwarted at a general meeting the proposal of a group of poor peasants to organize a ʺpeasant labor collective.ʺ In the Stavropol District, a hut. Good Wells, a grouping of kulaks and the well‐to‐do, consisting of 27 people, tried to prevent the poor from forming a new society, organized according to the principles of compacted agronomy. After an unsuccessful speech at the meeting, the well‐to‐do tried to forcibly take away from the land surveyor the resolution of the meeting on the allocation of a new community. In the Shepetivka district of Ukraine in the village. The squit group of kulaks through their protégé, the land commissioner, campaigns against the payment of money for land management. In the Taganrog district in the B. Kirsanovsky village council, the kulaks have allocated an asset in the amount of 10 people under the leadership of a former clerk and secretary of the Baku mayor, who, while campaigning for the disruption of land management, acts through individual poor and middle peasants. In the Stavropol district in the village. Konstantinovsky, Petrovsky district, in order to slow down land management, a group of wealthy and kulaks, having sold part of public land, delegated, allegedly on behalf of the community, an authorized land group, who, having received a certificate from the village council, left for Moscow, but was arrested at the insistence of the poor, who declared the illegality of the powers given to the delegate. Upon learning of the arrest, 300 well‐to‐do people came to the village council and demanded to open a meeting. Under pressure from the well‐to‐do, the delegateʹs trip was formalized.
Kulak terror based on land management
For the period January‐May from. A number of cases of terror were registered (11 facts, of which two were murders). By districts, cases of terror are distributed as follows: in Ukraine ‐ 5, in Oryol province. ‐ one, in Bryansk province ‐ two, in the Kuban district ‐ three. The following fact is characteristic of the Bryansk province: in the village. Strogovo Pochepsky u. the well‐to‐do attempted the murder of a land surveyor
(at night a shot was fired at the window of a house,
where the surveyor lodged). Poor people detained the suspect in the assassination attempt, the son of a kulak. For the protection of the land surveyor, who continues to work on land management, the poor established two‐night watches under the windows of his apartment.
Unauthorized land grabs
In the Ukraine and the North Caucasus, the kulaks, taking advantage of unregulated land use and protracted land management, arbitrarily seize and plow public lands. In Ukraine, the kulaks seize their former lands from the poor peasants, which went to the poor peasants during the period of dispossession. Characteristic is the data on unauthorized seizures in 39 villages of the 25th environs of Ukraine as of April 1 of this year. The seizures of land took place: on the part of the kulaks ‐ 25 facts, on the part of the wealthy ‐ two facts, the middle peasants ‐ two, the poor ‐ one; in 8 cases the social position of the invaders has not been clarified. In 50% of all facts, there is a group seizure of land, in some cases ‐ individual. The seizures were made: the poor ‐ 20 facts, the middle peasants ‐ one, the kulaks ‐ one, the sugar factories ‐ 5, collectives ‐ one and from public lands ‐ 11.
Clashes between villages on the basis of land management
The unsettledness of the inter‐settlement boundaries of land use and the unevenness of the per capita allotment in neighboring villages are often the reasons for heated disputes and lengthy litigation between individual land societies over land plots. In the Vladimir province. land litigation between vil. Ikshevo Chersevsky parish and c. Georgievsky Zakolpskaya Vol. drags on since 1921 and the issue has not yet been resolved to this day; for the costs of doing business by the peasants of the village Ikshevo has already spent 3000 rubles. In the Penza lips. the land dispute between the villages of Ankovka and Kamaino has been going on since 1922 and the issue has not been resolved until now. Such disputes and litigations sometimes lead to unauthorized seizures of disputed areas, causing clashes and fights between villages. In April of this year, there were 4 major clashes between villages on the basis of land management (in the AMSSR225 and the Izyum district of Ukraine, in the Tambov and Kursk provinces.). In the Tambov province. peasants with. Malinovka stubbornly resisted the allotment of part of their land to the neighboring village of N. Mazovka in exchange for another land (the conflict has been dragging on since 1924); in the spring of 1926, land surveyors were dispersed by them and landmarks were destroyed. On May 2, 1927, the Malinovites, leaving the whole village on the border, did not allow the land surveyor to work. May 6 p. At the general meeting of the Malinovka provincial commission, which arrived to resolve the issue in Malinovka, the Malinovites declared: ʺWe recognize Soviet power and obey the laws, but we will not give up the land.ʺ The initiator of stubborn resistance to land management was the priest with. Robinovka, who on Easter day, bypassing the peasants with a prayer service, agitated not to agree to land management. In this case, 15 people were arrested and handed over to the provincial court, headed by the priest and the chairman of the village council. Robin. In Kursk province. when opening the boundaries between the huts. Rich and s. Nikolaevsky V. Oskolsky u. in 1924‐1925 384 dess. land to the Nikolaev society, in return for which 300 dessiatins were cut from the lands of the latter. land. The Nikolaevites, not satisfied with the land plan and appealing it to the relevant authorities, in every possible way obstructed the implementation of it ‐ in the spring of 1926 they beat the peasants and drove them out of the field. The rich, who plowed the controversial land, breaking their plows. In the month of April of this year, the peasants are hut. The rich again went to plow the controversial area. The Nikolaevites, having learned about this, gathered together with the whole society and launched an offensive in a chain on the working rich peasants. The wealthy sent one of their own to warn the villagers, who also came to the scene of the whole community. From the side of nikolayevets a shot was fired, in response to which the rich fired about 100 shots at nikolayevets. As a result of the shootout, there were no casualties. The firefight was stopped by the police who arrived at the scene. One of the active leaders of the skirmish on the part of the
Bogatensky zemsovostvo was the middle peasant land commissioner. It should be noted that the conflict in the month of April from. was preceded by the following wrong actions by pom. the prosecutor for the county and UZU. The first, attending a meeting in the village. Nikolaevsky, single‐handedly allowed the residents of Nikolaev to plow on the disputed site, although the issue of this site has not yet been finally resolved in the relevant land courts. UZU instead of the appropriate final resolution of the dispute about the site after the conflict in 1926, despite the proposal of the commission that examined the case on the spot, ʺto eliminate the Nikolaevites from land use of this siteʺ, proposed to use the disputed land for both zemsovies together ‐ ʺwho will plow how muchʺ, giving by its resolution direct reason for further conflicts. In the AMSSR in April of this year. there was also a fight over the land conflict between the peasants with. Shershenets and pos. Molokits during the attempts of the first to unauthorizedly plow the disputed land, as a result of which two peasants were seriously wounded. In the Izyum district in the last days of May with. g. there was an armed clash between the peasants of the Hut. Maksimovka and the commune ʺSudankaʺ. The initiators were a group of 4 kulaks (former white and landowners) hut. [Maksimovka]. Two of them, just before the clash, rode around the farm and called for action against the commune. Armed with stakes, shovels, etc., 50 farm peasants occupied the cut off land, provoking the Communards into a fight. As a result of the latter, three participants were injured.
Pom. Secretary of INFO OGPU Sosnin
APPENDIX No. 4
1. Kostroma lips. May 11. (Centre). A poor peasant village. Trofimovka Kartsovskaya parish Soligalichsky u. in a conversation with a fellow villager, he said that the Soviet government protects the workers at the expense of the peasants, and therefore it is necessary to organize a
2. Tula lips. May 31. In with. Dubki of the Obolensk region show themselves as ardent supporters of the organization of cross unions, a school worker (daughter of a former volost foreman) and a middle peasant who has two houses, a barn, a barn, one horse, one cow and 5 sheep; the family consists of 8 people. In private conversations with the peasants on the need to organize cross unions, they say:
School worker: “The worker lives much better than the peasant. In the future, the peasantry will also see nothing good from the Soviet regime if they are not given broader rights. Now the peasantry is convinced that there is an enormous difference between town and country, and that is why there is such a great attraction of peasants to cities. All this is explained by the fact that workers have their own trade unions that protect their interests and thanks to which workers have the opportunity to fight for a better life in an organized way. The peasants also make attempts to unite and organize their peasant union, but the Soviet government does not allow this, because then the power will not be ʺworkersʹ and peasantsʹʺ, but ʺpeasantsʹ and workersʺ, since not workers, but peasants will be at the head. Nevertheless, in the near future the peasants will achieve their right and they will be allowed to organize their own cross‐union. All the peasants will join it, and only then will they feel relieved, as they will throw the unbearable burden off their shoulders. ʺ
The middle peasant, in conversations with fellow villagers, declares: “Now the peasant lags behind the worker in everything and especially in education, because the workers are organized and they take on everything together, therefore their strength increases several times, and what they want is what they want. The peasantry, on the other hand, is unorganized, it feels enmity towards each other, but it also strives for organization, especially in recent years. The peasants can have only one organization — the peasant union, around which they could unite. Until now, however, they have not been created only because the communists and the Soviet government are persecuting this organization. They do not allow us to work, do not allow us to develop, although they say that the Soviet government is fulfilling the will of the majority, but the majority of the peasants demand the organization of a peasant union. Soviet power, like the tsarist autocracy, it is beneficial to keep the peasantry disorganized and illiterate. The authorities do this so cleverly that the bulk of such deception does not notice and will not soon notice. The communists are going against the peasant unions and say that if we let the peasantry organize, it will be an ocean in a storm, and the working class will be a boat left to their fate. In general, the authorities are wiping out the question of the cross unions and are not discussing it anywhere. If, for example, we look at the resolutions of various congresses, both party and non‐party, we will find absolutely nothing there about the cross unions. If you look at all the legal press during the existence of the Soviet regime, then there is nothing there either. When we submit questions in writing, they are not answered, but only asked who wrote it. Tell who, you will fall under suspicion. I came across the communists several times on this question, but they did not give a definite answer, and I would like to get a definite answer from our central government why the organization of a peasant union, which is necessary for us, is not allowed, since through the union we will go at an accelerated pace on the way to socialism. The peasantry will be interested in their alliance, it will be strong and mighty. We will not regret anything for him and we will all be elected to the union. The union will pay special attention to the marketability of agriculture, it will find a sale of peasant goods, organize all kinds of associations that will interest the peasant, since they will contribute to the development of agriculture. Through these partnerships, agricultural machinery will go directly to the peasantʹs field and there would be a complete machine revolution. The peasantry would begin to carry out public cultivation of the land, public canteens, and in the end everything would become public. ʺ
These protests for the cross unions meet with sympathy among a section of the middle peasant and wealthy masses. The agitator among his fellow villagers enjoys partial authority. He always speaks of cross unions with fervor and enthusiasm.
3. In the Pakhomovsky district, at a plenum of the Zeninsky village council, where 97 people were present, on the report on the significance of the May 1 holiday, a well‐to‐do peasant, a former SocialistRevolutionary, who spoke in the debate, pointed out that ʺthe Communist Party incorrectly manages both the economic and political life of the country.ʺ the conclusion proposed to adopt a resolution that ʺthe peasantry does not trust the CPSU (b) and demands freedom for the organization of peasant unions.ʺ In conclusion, he suggested that the peasants “give all the land to the state and cultivate it collectively, let the government pay 70 rubles. to each worker, and let the state take the products of the land for itself. ʺ Thanks to the explanations of a member of the CPSU (b), this proposal was not accepted, although it met with sympathy from some of the wealthy peasants.
4. Tula lips. May 20. In the village. Brazhnikovo, a prosperous peasant (church elder), a former Socialist‐Revolutionary, spreads among the wealthy strata of the village the idea of creating peasant unions. On this issue, he says: “I do not defend the Soviet regime, and I did not defend the tsarist government before. Both one and the other acted incorrectly. The tsarist government held back the development of agriculture in every possible way. Only after 1905, when the peasantry showed that they could fight for their rights, did they allow the rich peasants to go to the cuts and farms 226... But the majority of the peasantry was again left without satisfaction in their needs. The government, gagging the mouths of the loudest with cuts and farmsteads, continued to crush the rest in the old way with its noose in the person of Minister Stolypin. The idea of organizing peasant unions had existed before, but after 1905 it entered a certain channel and began to work little by little. The war of 1914 took away our best comrades, and we remained here still young and inexperienced, but not by years and age, but by work in the union. By the end of 1916, our organization met again, but not with the plans that had been outlined earlier. Here the maturing of the Russian revolution became definitely noticeable and our organization deviated from peaceful work and, together with the rest, took the path of conquering the revolution. Previously, our union tried to send its representatives to the State Duma to formalize our union, so that it would go on a legal basis, but we failed to do this. After the February Revolution, we acted for a year, but during such a period of time we could not do anything. After that, our union was driven underground, which is still persecuted to this day. The tasks and program of our union are structured and written in such a way that they fully protect the interests of only the peasantry. All points and paragraphs say that the life of the peasant must be improved.
We must make sure that he does not feel like a slave to nature and the working class, but he himself would be their master. If there are several times more peasantry in Russia, then the power should not be workers, but peasants, then the peasant would be convinced with his own eyes that the peasant is in charge and the peasants collected and laid the tax, otherwise some worker is sitting there who never he took up the plow, and he commands you and not as he needs, but as he pleases. I could myself begin to greet my elder brothers, workers, but on the condition that they help the peasant to get out of the darkness and ignorance in which he is now. I do not blame the higher authorities for this, maybe it really helps in the restoration of the peasant economy. Reading the newspapers, you can find there, that so much has been released from the center of credit to the peasantry through credit cooperatives, but until they reach the bottom, half of these amounts remain, and again it would be good if this half fell directly into the hands of the working peasantry, otherwise it would only flicker before him tail and difficult to catch. Ilyich said that cooperation is the path to socialism, that is, through cooperation we will come to a society where there will be no rich and poor. Now letʹs see how our local cooperation works. In Dubkovsky PO, its funds were up to 25,000 rubles. All this was acquired by right and wrong. Currently, of these funds, only 10,000 rubles remain. and there are no goods. This is due to the inoperability of the board, which cannot manage the work of cooperative organizations. The leaders in the person of Kemerin sit, drink, and the authorities say, that this phenomenon should be eradicated by the shareholder members, but they are not organized, and when they, the members, are organized, then nothing will remain of our cooperative. All this I say in order to better understand the real situation of the peasantry. In conclusion I will say: without a peasant union, the peasantry will never, or for a very long time, move forward. ʺ In another speech at the plenum of the Dubkovo village council, he said: “Now we have a dictatorship of the proletariat, but if we are allowed to organize a peasant union, then this dictatorship will have a bad taste. If the peasants are organized, they will represent a tremendous force. The dictatorship of the proletariat will not resist such a force. Of course, the organization of such an alliance is worth a lot of work, but in order for the working family not to tear its nose in front of the peasant, we all need to enter into an alliance and then no one is afraid of us. Young people in this union should take the most active part. Our future is a peasant union. Work on it. ʺ
5. Tver province. the 6th of May. In the village. Mikhailova Gora Bezhetskiy u. and volosts at a meeting of peasants made an agitation for the Constitutional Court peasant der. Gusarovo: “We are in the majority ‐ 80% of the total population, and we are run by a handful of workers, and all because they are organized, but we are not. Therefore, they sit on our neck. The workers defend their interests in an organized manner and oppress the peasant; we also need to organize ourselves into a peasant union so that we too can defend our rights. When the war comes, and we say: you ruled, you fight. Overthrowing the tsar, we thought that the Soviet regime would be better, but it turned out that there is no difference between the Soviets and the tsar. ʺ The meeting was split in half ‐ one half supported the speaker, the other abstained from judgments on this issue.
6. Kharkiv district. May 15. (Ukraine). In with. The canopy of the Akhtyrsky District, the kulak, said in a conversation: “The workers live better because they have an alliance.
The worker is insured, but the peasants have no protection, and we are not allowed to organize. The revolution is not over yet, it is still ahead and the peasants will achieve their union. ʺ
7. Slavgorod District. May 10. (Siberia). In the village Dvorovsky Znamensky district, a well‐to‐do peasant in a group of fellow villagers (15 people) said: “The working class defends its interests through the trade unions; therefore, it lives better than the peasants. We need to organize a committee to protect the peasants. ʺ Those present did not mind. On another occasion, this well‐off man said in a conversation with a party member: “The Soviet power will soon fall if it introduces discord between the poor, middle peasants and the wealthy and imposes high taxes. The peasantry will then rise up and overthrow the government. ʺ
Pom. Secretary of INFO OGPU Sosnin
APPENDIX No. 5
EASTERN NATIONAL REPUBLICS AND AUTONOMOUS AREAS MIDDLE ASIA
1. Uzbekistan. Mountains. Samarkand. At the rally, one of the board members of an Uzbek bank, along with a former merchant, said that an attack on the Soviet trade mission would trigger a war between the USSR and England. If there is a war, then we will live much better, for there will be no oppression that we are experiencing at this time. After this conversation, these persons went to drink in honor of the event.
2. A former breeder, an Afghan citizen, said at the rally that the Russians can only gather rallies and speak beautifully at them, but the Soviet government cannot give decisive military pressure or resistance, because it is afraid of England. He further stated that England would be the victor in the war, and all immovable property seized by the Soviet regime would be returned with interest.
3. Among the inhabitants of the old town there are rumors that many units of the Red Army refuse to fight. The rumors are spread mainly by the clergy.
4. Merchants say that war should be expected and that Afghanistan will enable the British troops to advance to the borders of Central Asia.
5. Mountains. Tashkent. Large traders at a rally on the occasion of the severance of Anglo‐Soviet relations tried to get closer to the podium. During the speeches of the speakers, the traders listened to the speeches more attentively, sensitively catching every word of the speaker. There were 60 people at the rally of traders.
6. The traders of the Resurrection Bazaar, talking about the severance of Anglo‐Soviet relations, expressed the idea that there is no benefit for traders from severing relations with England, but it will be otherwise, if there is a war, then speculation will rise and traders will benefit a lot from this.
7. Mountains. Khujand. It was said in the teahouse that the line of the Soviet government was wrong because it was taking away land and giving it to farm laborers, imposing heavy taxes and forcing women to open. Soon there will be a war, as all countries look at the USSR with hatred and will destroy it.
8. The teacher of the Kanisarbai Soviet school in the teahouse said that England would soon declare war. The uprising among the Chinese workers was organized by the Soviet regime, and in the USSR, for its part, England also has good agents who work well and, thanks to their work, attacked the Soviet Union. The teacher said that he would have left Soviet work long ago, but was afraid that he would be considered an anti‐Soviet element.
9. Uzbekistan. Citizen of the mountains. Khujent, wishing to kill his wife, stabbed her with a number of wounds. The reason for the attempt was the removal of the burqa (veil).
Urga‐Zeravshan district. Mountains. Katta Kurgan. In connection with the campaign for the emancipation of women among the Muslim community, a reactionary group was organized calling on the population not to reveal their wives. During the agitation campaign, two women were killed and a farmer was wounded, who wanted to help them out. In addition, one woman and one man were seriously injured on the same basis. On the eve of these murders, the head of the Katta‐Kurgan militia summoned local imams with a proposal to campaign for the disclosure of women. The imams abandoned campaigning, arguing that the disclosure of women is contrary to Sharia.
10. The chairman of the Shulagin village council threatened to arrest for 3 years those farmers who did not bring their wives to the rally. As a result, about 200 women came to the rally, but none of them dropped the burqa.
11. Khojent district. In the village of Samtar, a secret meeting of the clergy and bays took place, where they agreed to act actively against the opening of the burqa. On the instructions of this meeting, one of the participants went to the villages of Dzhangalik and Sagdab, where he campaigned among the population against the opening of the burqa.
12. Uzbekistan. Kokand district. In the Fergana region, on the basis of water use, there are serious exacerbations between the Uzbeks and the Kirghiz. Most of the villages of Uzbekistan, adjacent to the villages of Ayribaz and Karatepa in Kyrgyzstan (Osh District), are exposed to the threat of waterlessness due to the fact that the Kyrgyz do not provide enough water. So far, there are no serious complications, as the rains are helping the Uzbeks, however, on this basis, excesses can be expected.
13. Kashka‐Darinsky District. In the Tengi‐Kharam region, a land feud is taking place between the Tajiks of the village of Harduri and the united village of Kurub‐Kali‐Urga, inhabited by Uzbeks.
14. Surkhan‐Darya district. At the May Day meeting in the mountains. Baysunʹs report on the meaning of May 1 was made only in Uzbek, despite the urgent demand of the Russian part of the meeting. The majority of Uzbeks rejected the Russian proposal to translate the report and the resolution into Russian. As a result, all Russian participants left the meeting. A similar phenomenon was noted in the same city during the re‐election of the local committee of employees of the executive committee of the Soviets.
15. Kyrgyzstan. About 60 Kirghiz people attacked Russian peasants with. Kara‐Dekhkan of Osh district, forcing them to stop plowing their land plots. The Kyrgyz showed the Russians some kind of paper written in the native language. Russian peasants were forced to leave their jobs and disperse.
16. Between the Kyrgyz s. Halmion (Kyrgyzstan) and the Uzbeks of border villages (Uzbekistan) experienced prolonged friction on the basis of water use from the Aral‐Tyube irrigation ditch. The Kirghiz, dissatisfied with the decision of the parity commission, demanded a second investigation. The new parity commission did not meet, as a result of which the Kyrgyz used the water exclusively for their own benefit. The Osh Vodkhoz technician (Russian) contributed to the aggravation of relations, inciting the Kyrgyz not to give water to the Uzbeks.
17. Tajikistan. In the Durmen‐Tajik tumen of the Gissar vilayet between the Daganaki Tajiks and the Uzbeks of the Badrakly tribe of the Aul‐Kiik village of the Pakrabad tumen, a land dispute arose over 900 dess. lands in the Dagan‐Kiik region where Tajiks live. Since the beginning of the cotton campaign, Tajiks have claimed a piece of land, threatening to close the water otherwise.
Land management and sowing campaign
18. Uzbekistan. Bukhara district. In the Vabkent and Bukhara districts, the bais are showing increased activity in matters of land management. In two weeks, there were 25 cases of opposition to the poor to start cultivating the land. In the Gijduvan region, a former emirch official sent assassins to a farmer who worked on his land. The murder was prevented by timely measures.
19. Tashkent district. In the Khavat region, as a mass phenomenon, the incorrect distribution of water between dekhkans is noted, and in most cases the bai receive water much more than the poor. A group of poor people, who took the initiative to regulate water use issues, were beaten by the baystva.
20. Andijan district. During the land reform at the bai with. Mamai of the Zarkent society of Yangi‐Kurgan region, 350 tanaps of land were selected, which was issued to the artel of farm laborers (200 tanapov), to two chairikers 227 (30) tanapov and the remaining 120 tanapov were credited to the state fund. Despite this, Bai sowed and took away from the farm laborers 10 tanapas of the best land, saying that the authorities allegedly returned this land to him.
21. Kashka‐Darinsky district. In the Guzar region, between the Uzbeks of the Saray clan, on the one hand, and the Kachai clan (Kungrad tribe), on the other, there is a clan enmity over the land for the following reasons: the Saray clan inhabits the Apardy kishlak, and the Kachaya clan is the Allashir kishlak. Between the above‐mentioned villages there is an area of land, which for a long time was friendlyly cultivated by both clans, as far as possible, but recently, on the initiative of the beys, disagreements arose.
22. Kyrgyzstan. Bai Kurshab parish In the Osh canton, in connection with the forthcoming land reform, the cattle were distributed among the sons and relatives.
23. In p. In Uzgen, a proclamation was found urging Muslims to ʺopen their eyes, disbelieve the Soviet regime and disrupt the land reform.ʺ
24. Large bay Cheshtyubinskaya vol. Naryn canton summoned 20 farm laborers for dinner and led an anti‐zemreforma campaign among them.
25. In p. At‐Bashi of the same canton, a meeting of bays and manaps was held with the participation of some members of the CPSU (b). The question of the land reform was discussed, and the bai who spoke spoke of its inexpediency. After the meeting, a meeting of the local cell of the CPSU (b) took place, at which the secretary of the cell, who participated in the Bai meeting, followed the line dictated by the bayis and manaps.
26. Tajikistan. The Ura‐Tyubinskoe agricultural credit partnership did not at all release a cash loan to the dekhkans of the Dzhar‐Kurgan village of the Ura‐Tyubinsk vol., Who had to borrow money from private speculators and city bays on onerous terms (from 15 to 30%).
27. The chairman of the agricultural cooperative of the Shahristan vol., Despite the decision not to grant loans to the Bai element and nonmembers of the cooperative, issued a loan to the Bai and grassroots Soviet employees.
Rumors of war. Anti‐Soviet agitation
28. Ural province. In the village Kalenom Kalmykovskaya stanitsa Uralsky u. a fight broke out between the Russian Cossacks and the Kirghiz, as a result of which 10 Kirghiz were beaten and two were seriously wounded. The rest of the Kyrgyz fled and explain the increased activity of the Russian Cossacks by rumors about the war.
29. Fists of the village. Kamenny, Krugly and a number of other settlements and villages of the Ural district. in private conversations with the Cossacks, they express confidence in the inevitability of war and the fall of Soviet power, referring to the technical superiority of the capitalist countries.
30. Aktobe province. Kulaki village Annunciation Perelyubskaya Vol. Temirsky district spread rumors among the population about the impending fall of the Soviet regime, threatening the communists with beating. A similar activity was noted on the part of the kulaks in a number of other villages and the Russian intelligentsia (paramedics, teachers, etc.).
31. Akmola province. In connection with the widespread rumors about the war, in a number of cases anti‐Soviet agitation was noted on the part of, mainly, the kulaks, former chieftains and some Soviet workers. In private conversations with peasants, individuals express confidence in the victory of the capitalist countries ʺin view of their technical readiness.ʺ In the Kyrgyz auls, some bai, reasoning about the Chinese events, talk about ʺthe failure of the USSR to help revolutionary China, since the peasants who are already dissatisfied with the government will not agree with this.ʺ
32. Semipalatinsk province. The raid on Arkos 228 sparked lively opinions about the international situation of the USSR. Along with the speeches of the beys, kulaks and the well‐to‐do, there are isolated cases of anti‐Soviet performances by Soviet employees
(Russians). Semipalatinsk, Pavlodar and Ust‐Kamenogorsk. These speeches mainly boil down to spreading rumors about the inevitable war in 1927 and about the fall of Soviet power.
33. Former active Bayalashordin aul No. 2 Mendeshevskaya vol. Semipalatinsk u., Which has connections with other influential former Alashorda workers, spreads rumors among the population about the impending war and the fall of Soviet power, threatening the members of the Koschi union with mobilization to the front in case of war.
34. Dzhetysu lips. In connection with the complications in the international situation of the USSR, anti‐Soviet elements in the Russian village, Cossack village and Kyrgyz aul spread various provocative rumors about the inevitability of the fall of Soviet power. Similar activity was noted by the co‐servants of the mountains. Jarkent.
35. Syr‐Darya province. In connection with the pre‐conscription training of the Kyrgyz youth, the Baystvo led agitation against the training, spreading rumors about an imminent war with China and the sending of the Kyrgyz to the war. In a number of cases, in mosques and at private meetings, bais and representatives of the poor make decisions on the use of all measures to prevent the involvement of the Kyrgyz in the war and to oppose pre‐conscription training.
36. Kara‐Kalpak region. Bai‐Uzbek of the village of Sary‐Biy, driving around the bazaars, spreads rumors about the war, threatening to outweigh the communists and inviting some communists to quit the party.
37. The mullah of the Sheikhbaz mosque is conducting anti‐Soviet agitation among the population, calling for a boycott of the communists and the Koschi union, in view of the impending war and the supposedly inevitable fall of Soviet power. As a result of Mullahʹs agitation, the poor avoid meeting with the communists.
38. Bai‐Uzbek of the Sakhtiyan society of the Turtkul vol. campaigning for false testimony about the age of young people in order to avoid mobilization into the Red Army, at the same time scaring them with an imminent war. Most of the peasants, fearing for the fate of their sons, do not let them into the city.
Decomposition of public organizations
39. Ural province. Bai and imam of aul No. 2 of Ulentinsky parish. Dzhambeytinsky u. two times they disrupted a performance organized at the initiative of a local teacher.
40. A bai‐aksakal of the same aul gave a treat to the local bai, where it was suggested on behalf of the believers to ask for the removal of the Soviet school from the mosque, since the Komsomol students prevent the mullahs from conducting religious agitation.
41. At the poor meeting of the aul of the Alginsky Talivsky district, Bukeevsky u. it was decided to organize a collection among the population for the construction of a school. The local imam, having learned about this, led an agitation among the population for collecting donations not in favor of the Soviet school, but in favor of the mosque. The majority of the population, including some of the poor, refused to collect in favor of the school.
42. Aktobe province. At a general meeting of Russian peasants in the village. Pokrovsky Temirsky district the question of the production of sowing for the fund of the cross committee was discussed. After a speech by an influential kulak, supported by its supporters, the meeting unanimously rejected the proposal to seed the crosscom fund.
43. Akmola province. At a meeting on re‐election of the board of the cross committee with. Lugansk Ruzaevskaya Vol. Kokchetavsky u. after an organized demonstration of the kulaks, despite the opposition of the poor, a resolution was passed to liquidate the cross committee. A similar phenomenon took place in the village. Rozhdestvensky Revolutionary Vol. Akmola u. and a number of others.
44. Semipalatinsk province. Baystvo village No. 4 of the Urukhovsky parish. Pavlodar district Koshchi organized her union in parallel with the legally existing Koshchi. The purpose of the beys is to seize hay and arable land for the forthcoming division of them.
In aul No. 2 of the same volost, a group of bays, in order to retain their lands, joined the Koschi union.
45. Kara‐Kalpak region the secretary of the Sheikhbaz Union, Koshchi, in every possible way contributes to the penetration of the bayi into Koshchi, accepting the beys without the consent and knowledge of the general meeting of the members of the union. A similar action was noted by the secretary of the Imam Union, Koshchi.
46. Ural province. Dzhambeytinsky u. The Inder Volzemkomissia consists of bai‐traders who deliberately delay the settlement of disputed land issues and contribute to the seizure of land by bays and mullahs. Fierce dredges are going between the auls throughout the volost.
47. Aktobe province. Bai Temirsky u. almost everywhere show increased activity in connection with work on the redistribution of hayfields and arable lands. With the assistance of the anti‐Soviet element of the auls, the bais are campaigning against the redistribution, and where the redistribution is already taking place, the bais brought their supporters into the commission, through whom they direct the
work of the commission in their favor.
48. Semipalatinsk province. Baystvo Kedeiskaya parish. Karkaralinsky
u. in order to retain the surplus of land, he organized the poor into the union of Koshchi, nominating his protégés‐bais to the bureau of the union. For the same purpose, bai aul No. 1 Degelenskaya parish. collect signatures under the verdict on separation into an independent aul.
49. Syr‐Darya province. Baystvo Burno‐Oktyabrskaya Vol. AulieAtinsky district widely practicing giving out agricultural implements for temporary use to the poor. At the same time, the bai pursue the goal of attracting the poor to their side in order to avoid the alienation of surplus hayfields and arable lands in the upcoming redistribution.
In Kanenskaya parish. of the same county, bai aul No. 2 divided all the lands of the aul into three groups, taking the best of them.
Interethnic tensions on the basis of land use
50. Ural province. Between the Kyrgyz of the Karasamar parish. Guryevsky u. and the Russian Cossacks of the Kalmykovskaya stanitsa of the Uralsky u. there is constant friction due to the use of hayfields. In recent years, relations have deteriorated greatly and, due to the intransigence of both sides, they threaten to result in massacres.
51. Aktobe province. Between the Kyrgyz of auls No. 4 and 11 of Kumdy‐Uilskaya parish. Temirsky district and the neighboring Russian population, there is constant friction on the basis of land use. Russian peasants complain that ʺthe Kirghiz are in power and are ruining Russian farms.ʺ
52. Akmola province. Between the Russian peasants with. Dorogovsky Peasant parish. Kokchetavsky u. and the Kirghiz of Bostandyk vol. there is a strongly aggravated relationship on the basis of the use of hayfields and arable land. Due to the unresolved issue of a number of controversial issues, the Dorogovites did not start field work.
A similar phenomenon was noted in the Shchuchin parish. Kokchetavsky u., Where disputes have become so frequent and aggravated that they threaten to turn into fights.
53. Semipalatinsk province. Russian Cossack kulak stts. Altai at the meeting of the Katon‐Kargai Cossacks (Bukhtarma district) called for the beating of the Kirghiz, saying: “Comrades, arm yourself with whatever you can and support each other. We will kill the Kirghiz, but we will not be allowed to our land”.
Another fist, a former officer from the stts. Altai, said: ʺLet only the land be taken from us, we will promptly expose a hundred Cossacks.ʺ
Rumors of war. Anti‐Soviet agitation
SA. Dagestan. Achikulak district. In with. Kamysh‐Burun, a kulakprosperous group, led by a mullah, arranges special meetings with the aim of spreading rumors about the war. The activity of this group has been intensifying lately. So, she spreads rumors that England and America have declared war, there are battles on all borders, several warships have surrendered to the Americans, Soviet pilots are flying over to the enemies, etc. New sensational rumors circulated daily by this group keep the population in constant alarm.
55. Chechnya. Nadterechny district. Mullah S. Starye Atagi in the mosque said that Western European states would soon attack the USSR in order to avenge the aid provided to the Chinese revolutionaries, and then all the communists would be shot. Similar rumors are spreading in the villages of V. and H. H auras and Kentyurt.
In with. In the Aslambekovsky district of the same district, persistent rumors circulate that in the event of war there will be an uprising of the Cossacks who will expel Chechens from the former Cossack villages.
56. Karachay. In the village of Daut, a local merchant, having arrived from stts. Nevinnomysskaya, began to spread the rumor that an order had been received there for a general mobilization in connection with the declaration of war by Britain on the USSR. The local aulsovet could not make an appropriate refutation of the population appealing to it, and alarmed, sent a special delegation to the okrispolkom, whose return only brought peace to the aul.
57. Circassia. In the village of Atazhukinsky, a group of merchants, speaking of the inevitability of war, urges the population to prepare for it and turn all their money into goods, motivating this with the impending depreciation of Soviet money. The population of the aul, especially the well‐to‐do, follow the advice of the merchants, as a result of which the latter managed to sell all the goods lying in their shops.
58. Kabardino‐Balkarian region. In the village Murtazovo, rumors are spreading that Britain has already declared war on the USSR, that British troops are marching through China, wrestling the remaining troops from the Peopleʹs Revolutionary Army, which are fleeing to the USSR. These rumors inspire the Muslim clergy and kulaks, who are happy to await the fall of Soviet power. The poor, on the other hand, express a negative attitude towards the war.
The activity of the kulaks
59. Dagestan. The ongoing campaign for the registration and seizure of vakuf property is met with strong resistance from the Muslim clergy and kulaks, who call on the population to protest against this measure of the Soviet government. Cases have been recorded when members of the village council opposed the registration of waqfs and their transfer to the cross committees (village H. Dzhengutai, Buinak district, village Kuba, Kundy‐Lak district).
60. Khasav‐Yurt district. In with. Chigir‐Atar, a prosperous former foreman under tsarism, is openly agitating among the population against the eviction of former landowners, pointing out that in their place the government intends to resettle the Russians, which will entail the destruction of the Muslim religion. In contrast to this campaign, the local Komsomol cell issued a resolution on the need to conduct appropriate campaigning for the eviction of the landowners. On the same day, one participant in the meeting, a Komsomol member, was attacked by the son of a well‐to‐do man with his comrade, who after an unsuccessful shot struck the Komsomol member on the shoulder with a dagger, which ended up wounding the latter.
61. Kabardino‐Balkarian region. Fist hut. Sovetskoy calls on the farmers not to take any part in the social work of the village. Thanks to his intensified agitation against the cooperative partnership for animal husbandry, a number of the partners in the partnership express a desire to take their shares back from the partnership.
62. In p. Arik the kulaks and the well‐to‐do are conducting intensified agitation among the population against the surrender of zakyat to the KKOV and the sending of children to Soviet schools, saying that from there the children will come out as communists and stop believing in God.
Dredges. Interethnic tensions on the basis of land use
63. Chechnya. Urus‐Martan District. Residents with. Yandi, 30 men with their plows, came to the arable area owned by the Hut. Achkhoy. The Yandians refused the offer of the Achkhoevites to leave the site, as a result of which a bitter dispute ensued between the two societies. The representatives of the Okrug Executive Committee (PredokrIK and the Head of the Land Department) who arrived at the scene and two police officers could not resolve the dispute, but, on the contrary, were beaten by armed Yandis who shouted: ʺWe do not recognize any authorities and do not obey you.ʺ Two Achkhoevs were wounded by a shot from a revolver in the raised general dump. The beaten okrispolkom and Achkhoevites retreated to the Khut. Achkhoy. The mood of both conflicting societies remains extremely tense.
64. Chechnya. Nozhai‐Yurtovsky district. Because of the border pasture mountain between the inhabitants of the village. Benoy and the Gogatlins (DagSSR), as in the previous year, once again flared up a dispute that turned into an armed clash.
65. Dagestan. Andean District. Between the villages of Binchao and Gogatl, the dispute that has existed for a long time over Mount Nkishib and the so‐called Gogatlinsky farms does not stop. In order to seize the disputed plots of land, the population with. Bingchao in the number of more than 100 people, armed with rifles, attacked the Gogatlinsky farms, as a result of which almost the entire population of the farms was beaten and 6 people were wounded with cold weapons. In addition, 22 heads of cattle were taken away by the attackers. Pressel Council with. Bingchao refuses to return the stolen cattle to the Gogatlins.
66. Karachay. S. Hasaut‐Greek. Despite the regional decree on the temporary abandonment of the disputed plot of land to the Greeks, the Karachais occupied this plot. In this regard, as well as the delay in the distribution of land plots among the Greek and Karachai farms, friction is noted between the aforementioned nationalities.
67. Sunzha District. In stts. Nesterovskaya (Cossacks), where there is a strong shortage of water, by the decision of the general gathering, it was decided to bring the channel of the Sultanka River closer to the village. In this regard, about 100 Cossack people came to work on cleaning and routing the channel, which must pass for three miles along the land belonging to the Ingush village. Alhasty. The Ingush categorically protested and did not allow the Cossacks to clear the channel, explaining this by the flooding of their sections by the river. Great discontent is growing among the Cossacks, and they say: “If we had done this, then the authorities would have stood up for the Ingush. And now it is clear that we are the stepsons of the Soviet regime, and the Ingush are sons. ʺ
68. Ossetia. On the basis of land disputes and the border between Ossetia and the Kabardino‐Balkarian region. an extremely hostile relationship has been created. In order to populate the Khaznikoy gorge, belonging to Ossetia, the Kabardians arrived in the gorge to divide the land for estates. On the instruction of the Ossetians about the illegality of their actions, the Kabardians said that they did not recognize the decision of the All‐Russian Central Executive Committee and would settle in the gorge, and in case of oppression by the Ossetians, they would defend themselves with weapons in their hands, pointing out the arrived armed Kabardians in the amount of 10 people.
69. Land disputes between Ossetia and Kabarda are taking serious forms, ready at any moment to turn into an armed conflict. On the border of Ossetia with Kabarda, near the village of Buak, there are up to 200 armed Kabardians and a detachment of Ossetian militia, located in the indicated area in order to prevent each other from entering the Sakkung area.
70. Between the Cossacks of the Priterechny district and the Ossetians of the Right‐bank and Alagir‐Ardonsky districts, an aggravation of national relations is noted. The reason is the unsettledness of land relations and last yearʹs land conflicts that took place between the Cossacks (Russians) and Ossetians. The Cossacks, proceeding from the fact that their repeated complaints in the past have not been sufficiently resolved, are talking about land harassment this year and about their forthcoming eviction. The mood of the Cossacks is used by the kulak and former White Guard elements for their own purposes by provocative and anti‐Soviet agitation.
Counteraction of the wealthy and kulaks to land management
71. Dagestan. In a number of auls of the Achikulak district, there is a grouping consisting exclusively of Nogai‐kulaks and mullahs. In order to obtain the best land plots, the aforementioned group is actively campaigning for the separation of the Nogai from the Russians. The leaders of the group are the chairman of the okrIK, a member of the board of the association ʺAnimal husbandryʺ, and the ideological inspirer is an employee of the Peopleʹs Commissariat for Land, an ardent nationalist. The designated persons call closed meetings of the Nogai, travel around the auls and collect sentences to be sent to the center with a petition for the provision of better lands, first of all, for the Nogais, for the eviction of Russians from the district and, in extreme cases, for the separation of the Russians from the Nogais. In this regard, relations between Russians and Nogais are extremely aggravated.
72. Chechnya. Shatoevsky district. In a number of districts, the kulakwealthy elements are hindering land management in every way, which causes strong discontent among the poor. So, in the village. EliskhanYurt, Gudermes District, 18 families living in the village for more than 35 years do not use land plots. The decree of the OblZU on the allotment of land to them this year has met with strong opposition from the old people and the kulaks.
73. Circassia. In the aul of Klychevsky the pre‐worker committee, a member of the Komsomol, a former nobleman, together with one member of the CPSU (b), a former nobleman, organizes a kulakprosperous group to get better land in the aul. Under the leadership of the aforementioned persons, a secret meeting of the group was convened (40 people were present), at which a recording of those wishing to receive good land was made. The list included a number of poor people without their knowledge or desire. An employee of the OkrugZU, a former prince, who was present at the meeting, insisted to rush to submit an application to the district. Very few people in the village know about the existence of this group. The results of the petition have not yet been revealed.
74. Karachay. In the village of Dzhazlyk, a group of prosperous peasants came to the general meeting convened to resolve a number of land issues, who, under the guidance of a teacher, thwarted the question of the per capita division of hayfields.
15. Azerbaijan. Agdam. Fist s. The emirs of the Khan‐Arab village council, a former police officer, in the presence of the poor, said that England had presented an ultimatum to the USSR to transfer Baku to it, and in case of refusal, would declare war. The designated fist threatened the farm laborers not to leave any of them alive in case of war.
76. In p. Hindiristan Chairman of the Hindiristan Batkom spreads rumors about the British occupation of Baku and the entire Persian border, where all the militia was allegedly transferred and all the district workers were sent.
77. Kazakh y. A teacher of the Kaimakhli school, in a conversation with another teacher, said that if a war breaks out, all the peasants will go over to the side of the Musavatists, since the Soviet government prevents the opening of mosques, theological schools, etc.
78. Agdam district in with. Kurtlar, in connection with the circulating rumors about the war, there was talk among the population that England and Persia had united and were marching together against the USSR.
79. Georgia. Borchalinsky u. In with. Ilmazed of the Vorontsov plot, the desire of the wealthy Turks to move to Turkey begins to embrace an increasing number of peasants. The reason is provocative rumors spread by the kulaks that when war is declared, the Soviet government will carry out mass arrests and executions, in connection with which it is necessary to move to Turkey.
80. Gori district in with. Behsani, anti‐Soviet elements are spreading rumors about the detention by the British of a large consignment of rifles sent from Batum to China.
81. Adjarastan. In the mountains. All kinds of rumors about the forthcoming war are circulating in Batum. The presence of the Black Sea squadron in the port is considered by the population as a measure to protect Batum from the British. Traders, speculators and smugglers are waiting for unrest during which it will be possible to ʺearn some moneyʺ.
82. Armenia. Erivansky. In the village of Vini, Akhtinsky site, due to the provocation of anti‐Soviet elements that the British occupied China and attacked Moscow, which surrenders, the peasants refused to build a new building for the school, which was previously decided at a general meeting of the village.
83. In p. Gamre of the Kotay district 12 people of kulaks and other antiSoviet elements gathered under the guise of revelry in a private house, where they began to persuade the pre‐village council to come to their senses and move away from the communists, saying: “Soon the Western powers will end the Chinese revolution 229 and will arrive in the USSR. Dashnaks will rule in Armenia and not a single communist will survive, since we will set them on fire together with the hut and children. Therefore, you must now reckon with us, and, if necessary, you will find support from our side. ʺ These persons are simultaneously spreading rumors about the imminent death of the Soviet regime and the transfer of power to the Dashnaks.
84. Daralagyaz district from the side of the former Dashnaks and other anti‐Soviet elements, rumors about the war and the upcoming uprising continue to spread. In their agitation, the aforementioned elements indicate that the Soviet press is giving false information about the successes of the Chinese revolution, that Britain has occupied Shanghai and Canton, killed the Communists there, and will soon move its troops against the USSR.
85. Etchmiadzin district in with. Ajarkh of the Kurdukulinsky district, a meeting of former Dashnaks and other anti‐Soviet elements was held in the house of a member of the village council, where issues of the decomposition of the cotton community and the current situation were discussed. The meeting was led by two brothers, former Dashnaks who took an active part in the Dashnak adventure in 1921. On the first issue, it was decided to contact the members of the partnership and by all means to discredit the board of the partnership in front of the population. On the second question, it was said that “the Chinese revolution will be suppressed and then the international bourgeoisie will wipe out Soviet power from the face of the earth. From the very first day of the coup, it will be necessary to slaughter all the communists and plunder their property. ʺ
86. Leninakan district in with. Hozikend of the 5th sector, anti‐Soviet elements are spreading rumors that there is a dispute between the highest authorities about the resettlement of all Turks in the Agbaba sector into the depths of Armenia, and Armenians in their place in order to appropriate the property of the Turks in case of war and drive them out of Armenia.
87. In p. Aralykh of the 1st section, up to 35‐40 people gather at the antiSoviet peasant every evening, talking about the upcoming war and the death of Soviet power. There was a statement of the following character: ʺNothing will happen to the Armenians even from the side of the Turks, since our former rulers are in the army of the British, with whom they will come and free us from the Bolsheviks.ʺ
Unrest among workers in the mountains. Baku in connection with the Kasimov case
88. Azerbaijan. Mountains. Baku. The Supreme Courtʹs verdict on the execution of three accused of rape and murder Savelyeva (the daughter of a Russian worker) caused strong discontent among the Turkic workers. A crowd of 200 Turk workers gathered at the head committee of the Azneft Repair Plant, who opened the meeting to discuss this issue. After the meeting, the crowd split into two groups, one of which went to the commodity department of Azneft. A Russian guard standing at the post raised the alarm with shots in the air and called the guard. The arriving Red Army men surrounded the crowd, which began to throw stones at them. The chairman of the AzCIK Agamalioglu and the secretary of the Central Administrative Committee (Bolsheviks) arrived at the scene, after which the crowd began to gradually disperse, although a number of demonstrators tried to speak.
89. The decree of the AzCEC on replacing the execution of Kasimov with 10 years of imprisonment caused strong unrest among the Russian part of the workersʹ mountains. Baku. At all large enterprises, Russian workers gathered to protest against Kasimovʹs pardon. At the plant them. Lieutenant Schmidt (1250 workers), many quit their jobs, demanding the convening of a meeting. After the beep, about 1,500 Russian workers and their families gathered. In their speeches, some workers demanded that the Supreme Courtʹs ruling on Kasimovʹs execution be implemented.
90. In the workshops of the plant. Montina (650 workers), with the participation of workers from neighboring enterprises, a meeting of 1500 people was held. After the report of the secretary of the Baku Committee of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, the workers who spoke, to the applause of the majority, demanded that Kasimov be shot. The meeting adopted a resolution: ʺTo recognize the decision of the AzCEC on pardoning Kasimov wrong and demand the execution of all three convicts.ʺ
91. At the plant. Frunze (95 people), the workers quit their jobs and in groups came to the factory committee to express their protest against the decision of the AzCEC.
92. At the plant. Montina was informed in advance in the shops about the upcoming meeting‐before the treasure about Anglo‐Soviet relations. Despite the arrival of the reporter, the workers did not appear at the meeting and silently dispersed to their homes. In this regard, the meeting was disrupted and only 30 people took part in the demonstration from the named plant (650 people).
93. From the enterprises of the first group of Azneft factories (3 thousand people), only 10% of the workers took part in the demonstrations against the attack on the trade mission in London. The reason for the passivity or deliberate refusal was dissatisfaction with Kasimovʹs pardon.
Land and water disputes. National antagonism on the basis of land use
94. Azerbaijan. Agdam. In with. Ulyanoramen of the Bash‐Norashen region, the Armenian population is talking about resettlement to another place if, with the new distribution of land, they will not be allocated lands separately from the Turks. The reason is the grasses produced by the Turkic cattle in crops, vineyards and orchards belonging to the Armenians.
95. Gandzhinsky u. In with. Agjakend, the antagonism between the Turks and the Armenians intensified during the watering of the crops. The Armenians point out that the local mirab of 230 Turks protects exclusively the interests of the Turkic population.
96. Nakhichevan Territory. In with. Bichpnag, Narimanov district, there were cases of land seizure by fists. The reason ‐ the presence in the land commission of three kulaks ʺdisenfranchisedʺ, giving land to the kulaks. The Pressel Council, a relative of the members of the land troika, despite the discontent of the poor, does not take any measures.
97. Paraginsky region. In August 1926, during the production of land surveying works from the company with. Khuro (Turkic) cut off the surplus land in the amount of 45 dess., Which was transferred from. Alagi (Armenian). Currently, when the peasants from. Alagi started plowing the land allotted to them, almost the entire population of the village. Khuro went out into the field and did not allow the Alagin people to plow the land, stating that they would rather die than give the land of their grandfathers and great‐grandfathers to the Alagin people. On the order of the Peopleʹs Commissariat for Land, where the Alaginians sent a delegation, about the transfer of the disputed land to the Alaginians, residents of the village. Huro refused and plowed the land themselves. The initiators are kulaks with. Khuro, persuading the peasants of their village not to give land to the Alagin people.
In with. Kultopa of Tumbul region (population of Turkic ‐ 371 people), disputes, fights and scandals occur between the Turks and Armenians almost every day. The reason is the incitement of the population against the Armenians of the village. In this regard, the Armenians, explaining the attitude of the Turks as a desire to survive them from the village, intend to leave the Nakhichevan region for Armenia.
98. Georgia. Akhaltsykh u. In a number of villages, due to the lack of land plots between the peasants, there are constant disputes, often reaching the level of injury and murder. So, in the village. Muezi was severely wounded in the head of another by one peasant due to a land plot.
99. Armenia. Echmiadzinsky. In with. The Karimarch of the Kurdukuli area, a fight broke out between the Armenians and the Turks, as a result of which one Turkic shepherd was beaten and several heads of cattle were wounded. The reason for the fight was the damage done by the Turkic camels in the crops of one Armenian. Both Armenians and Turks resort to all kinds of measures to evict each other from the village. So, the Turks, after the corresponding complaints in the district, collected 600 rubles. and sent a delegation to Tiflis with a petition for the resettlement of Armenians. The Armenians are doing the same. Kulaks and chauvinistic elements of the village are the instigators of national antagonism on both sides.
100. Erivansky district in with. The kulaks are campaigning for V. Najerlu among the Turkic population about the need to resettle from
Armenia to Azerbaijan, where one can live more calmly.
Purchase and sale of land. Renting out land plots
101. Azerbaijan. Nakhichevan Territory. In with. Nyus‐Nus, Ordubat region, there is a purchase and sale of land, produced by kulaks. The reason for the sale of the land is the unwillingness to cultivate the land ourselves. Kazakh y. There are several cases of land purchase and sale. So, the middle peasant with. Tatly sold for 150 rubles. about one tithe of land, a kulak of the same village sold for 200 rubles. one and a half tithes of land. The sale of land is caused by the fact that the designated persons have more than the norm. Local authorities are not taking any action, although they are aware of the transactions.
102. Georgia. Goriysky in with. Mukheleti Zgudersky, those kulak, who has a large estate, sold one tithe of land to a land‐poor peasant of the village, receiving 25 rubles for this. cash and 25 rubles. in kind: one cow leather and woolen cloth.
103. Adjarastan. Kobuleti district Poor s. Zeraboseli sold for 200 rubles. kulak a piece of land of one and a half tithes. Well‐to‐do with. Smekalovka sold for 900 rubles. plot of land of 200 sq. soot. middle peasant with. Likhaurzh of Ozurgeti district Georgia.
104. Georgia. Shorapansky u. In with. Bojiti Sagher by those sons of the priest, who themselves live in the mountains. Tiflis, their land plots are leased to peasants.
105. Kutaisi district in with. Ojepa, a former landowner, taking advantage of the irresponsibility of the peasants in the village, took 50 dessiatines from him. leased to kulaks, from which he exacted one third of the harvest. The poor people, fearing revenge from the former landowner, do not inform the local authorities about the deal.
INNER NATIONAL REPUBLIC
Rumors of war. Anti‐Soviet agitation
106. Crimea. Yalta region. Kulak der. With the support of the Muslim community and the wealthy part of the population, he spreads rumors about the war, pointing out the lack of flour and the dominance of Jews in power, who enslaved the people with taxes.
107. Feodosia region. Fists der. Novo‐Davydova (Russian) spread rumors about the war and intimidate the population with the upcoming coup, adding that martial law has allegedly been declared in Feodosia. The poor, who wanted to organize themselves into an artel, abandoned their intention under the influence of the kulaks, who said that ʺafter the coup, the members of the artel will get it.ʺ In the mountains. Feodosia, among some of the Soviet employees, anti‐Soviet sentiments and gloating about the ʺimpending fall of Soviet powerʺ are noted.
108. Dzhankoy region. Fists der. Pavlovka spread rumors among the peasants that the revolution in China has been suppressed and that the turn of the Soviet republics will soon come, which will be destroyed by Britain and other bourgeois states. Agitation is noticeably reflected in the peasants, creating anxiety.
109. Bashkiria. Rumors of an impending war gripped the broad masses of the peasantry. In almost all areas of the Bashkortostan Republic there is persistent talk about the outbreak of war with Poland and about sending communists to the front, as well as about recruiting volunteers to China. On this basis, the peasants of the Birsk canton are strenuously stocking up on basic necessities. Some party members also succumb to panic. There are two registered cases of party members submitting applications to leave the party (Ozerki village of Mesyagutovsky canton and Zuevo village of Birsky canton). Rumors of war are spread mainly by kulaks, well‐to‐do and other anti‐Soviet elements, who along the way are also campaigning against the Soviet regime and the Communist Party. The traders tend to use this agitation in the interests of their trading operations, forcing the intimidated peasant to stock up on goods.
110. Chuvashia. Yadrinsky. Rumors about an imminent war in the near future spread widely among the population. Rumors are spread mainly by the clergy.
111. Tsivilsky u. The pilgrims visiting the churches of the Cheboksary district, upon their return, spread rumors about the war among the population. In the mountains. Tsivilsku, representatives of the clergy, strenuously spreading rumors about the war, say that before the start of the war, the Soviet government is thinking of dealing with the clergy.
112. Batyrevsky u. In the village. Bolshe‐Buyanovo, when discussing the issue of redistribution of land, a member of the village council recommended not to redistribute it, since ʺnot today or tomorrow there will be a war that will inevitably lead to a coup and the elimination of all our decisions.ʺ The same member of the village council (former member of the CPSU), spreading various kinds of provocative rumors, points to the inevitability of the defeat of the USSR.
OF. Crimea. Bakhchisarai region. Kulak der. Top‐Chakai, in a circle of peasants deprived of the right to vote, said: “Theʺ Lishentsev ʺwill be expelled from the Crimea, and Jews will be sent in their place; soon Crimea will be a Jewish republic. ʺ Head In a conversation with his acquaintances, the Bakhchisarai library (former mullah) said: ʺA very bad and harsh policy is being pursued with respect to the Tatars, in the near future Crimea will be a Jewish republic, and this policy does not depend on our union, but here there is a foreign Jewish organization.ʺ
114. Yalta region. Kulak der. Gaspri agitates among the peasants that soon there will be a war, and the Reds will inevitably die, since not a single worker and peasant will go to fight. The Soviet power is headed by the Jews, and therefore the Russian ʺkatsapʺ again walks in bast shoes, and the Jews live happily ever after.
115. Dzhankoy region. Among the peasants (mainly prosperous ones) of the Shiban Village Council, rumors circulate that, allegedly, America has allocated 25 million rubles. for the resettlement of Jews. On this basis, a resident of the village. Kazanki‐Russians declared: ʺIt is necessary to arrange the St. Bartholomewʹs Night for the Jewish settlers.ʺ Peasant der. Novo‐Aleksandrovka, when resolving the land issue, expressed the following: ʺOur Crimea is more and more replenished with Jews who are given loans and build houses, but we have not been given anything during the Soviet era.ʺ
116. Mountains. Simferopol. At one of the meetings of the tax commission, representatives of the case of one peasant from the village. Tegesh said: ʺWhy do you provide the Jewish colony with various benefits, agricultural tax and even financially help them, but lead us, immigrants by the nose?ʺ
117. Anti‐Semitism is highly developed in grade 1 and grade 2 schools. 231
The teachers of the Jews are called ʺthe Jewish faceʺ. A similar antagonism towards Jews was noted on the part of the teachers of the Soviet party school.
118. Crimea. Evpatoria region. In the village of Dzhabaga, the kulaks and the well‐to‐do, having seized land in excess of the norm, use it free of charge, in every possible way opposing the conduct of intrasettlement land management.
119. A similar phenomenon was noted in the village. Lgeri‐Kaspir, where the poor have repeatedly raised the issue of land management, but this has not yet begun, due to opposition from the wealthy.
120. Simferopol region. In the village. Bor‐Chekrak, when carrying out the estate division, it was decided to cut the land by the highway. The well‐to‐do, having learned that the poor had received a manor on the highway, raised a scandal and intended to disrupt the distribution of the manor land at all costs, but having received a rebuff from the poor, supported by the community, began to group with fists in order to the upcoming general meeting of the community to fail the approval of the work of the land commission.
Pom. Secretary of INFO OGPU Sosnin