Review of the political state of the USSR

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Review of the political state of the USSR


Review of the political state of the USSR in August 1927

A source: ʺTop Secretʺ: Lubyanka to Stalin on the situation in the country (1922‐1934), v.5 1927 Moscow, 2003

September 14, 1927


The mood of workers in August is stable, which is revealed both during the trial mobilizations (Leningrad, Crimea) and in the low level of the strike movement (64 strikes with 5896 participants, of which 18 strikes in the main industries with 1896 participants versus 121 with 11369 participants in July). In a number of enterprises, discontent is caused by ill‐considered implementation of rationalization measures. The most painful effect on the mood of workers is mistakes and arbitrariness during redundancies (transport, metal industry, textile industry). Interruptions in the supply of essential goods in a number of regions continue to cause discontent among workers, which is sharpened against the cooperatives.


Strikes and conflicts.  In August, there is a sharp drop in the number of conflicts and strikes among metalworkers (5 with 963 participants versus 12 with 2233 participants in July). The most significant strikes are at factories in Ukraine. At the metallurgical plant. Rykova Yugostal (Yenakiyevo‐Artyomovsk district) 3 shifts of chippers went on strike 250 (rolling shop), refusing to perform auxiliary work for free. The strike met with support among the rest of the workers (they refused to replace the strikers). The proposal of the plant manager to submit an application was greeted with shouts: “Enough with us, applications have been submitted a hundred times, but no results. You still call on us to prepare for war. ʺ During the strike on two shifts, the administration called the police. The third shift, after threats from the head of the police, began work. The work went on for several hours under the supervision of policemen. The summons of the police to the plant sharply exacerbated the discontent of the workers. Some workers tried to impart an anti‐Soviet coloration to discontent. ʺThe police made us work under the threat of whipping, acting like the old gendarmerie.ʺ “Under Soviet rule, it is unacceptable to call the police to the workers, apparently that there is no difference between the Soviet regime and the tsarist regime”. The mood of the workers remains tense, since in connection with the conflict that occurred, the plant management has scheduled 20 kryuchechniks (including demobilized Red Army soldiers) to be fired.

At the Bytoshevsky iron foundry (Bryansk province), fermentation among the workers, fanned by the anti‐Soviet (Menshevik‐minded) group, does not stop. The group used for its own purposes the moment of re‐election of the artelʹs board and led an intensified campaign for the removal of the communists from the government. Due to the situation created on August 29, 400 molders did not work, and the enamel shop did not work. The instructor of the Vsekooprom‐union, who came to the re‐election, sharply opposed the old composition of the board, thereby strengthening the position of the group.

A large strike of 380 workers at the factory # 4 of PRUMP (village of Tumbotino, Nizhny Novgorod province) was the result of a long delay in wages (old arrears were not liquidated and wages for the 1st half of July were not paid). The conflict arose through the fault of the administration and the factory committee, which did not explain the reasons for the delay. To the instructions of the plant manager and the chairman of the sub‐district committee of the Union of Metalworkers, who had arrived to resolve the conflict, that the strike was illegal, the workers replied that they would not have gone on strike if they had agreed with them in a timely manner: “As long as a person is sick, no one goes to him, but as soon as he died, even the one who is not needed will come. ʺ

The initiator of the strike was a worker, a former large kulak merchant who had recently been fired and recruited into the factory.

Delay in wages took place in August at 9 factories, mainly small ‐ local industry (Ukraine, Center and Urals).

The deterioration of the mood of workers is noted in some factories in connection with the reduction (the reduction is caused by a change in the production plan and a partial lack of orders).

A sharp conflict arose in the rolling shop at N. Serginsky Metallurgical Plant (Ural). In connection with the transition of the rolling shop from rolling boiler iron to a hunchback, the staff of workers was reduced from 293 workers to 165. Due to the fact that the workers did not agree with the resolution, the issue was referred to the arbitration court. Until the court ruling the shop ordered not to let the distributors into the shop, which aroused the workersʹ indignation. Having learned about the decision of the arbitration court, which agreed with the decision of the administration on the reduction of the staff, the workers of the rolling shop went on strike on August 17 and 18. The workers who remained in the shop after the layoff are dissatisfied with the difficult working conditions, there are frequent cases of burnout of workers at the mill (several people were sent to the hospital). The following statements were noted: “We do not trust either the FZK, or the RIK, or the district committee of the All‐Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), they do not know how to protect our interests. All these organizations know that under the tsar they worked at the camp for one hour and rested for one hour, and under Soviet rule they were forced to work for two hours and rest for one hour. Our destinies are decided in Sverdlovsk, in offices, without knowing the working conditions. ʺ Party organizations recognized the workersʹ arguments as sound. FZK was given the task of urgently collecting data in order to appeal the decision of the arbitration court. However, the courtʹs decision remained in force, the rolling shop operates with a reduced staff.

At the Kolomna machine‐building plant GOMZs, it is planned to lay off 900 workers, at the Katavsky plant of Yuzhuraltrest, 160 workers were laid off, etc. On the basis of redundancies, some anti‐Soviet persons are campaigning against the Soviet government: the war will start, we will organize a detachment against the communists. ʺ

Textile workers

Conflicts and strikes on the basis of deteriorating yarn quality among textile workers.  The lack of raw materials at a number of textile factories (Moscow, Leningrad, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk and Yaroslavl Gubernia) forces low grades to be processed, which worsens working conditions and, while maintaining the same prices and norms, reduces wages (by 15‐20%, and sometimes 50 %). The demands of the workers to guarantee them stable earnings by the administration and the factory organizations are in many cases ignored. Out of 7 strikes with 545 participants during the reporting period, 6 strikes took place due to deterioration in yarn quality (in July, 6 strikes with 1333 participants were noted among textile workers).

The most serious conflict arose in the Kohom linen factories, where 320 dry water workers went on strike. The reason for the strike is a decrease in wages (from 10 to 50%) as a result of deterioration in yarn. A week before the strike, the workers stopped their machines twice. For the first time (August 4), the conflict was eliminated by the directorʹs explanation that the factory ʺfinds it difficult to adapt to the military assortment being developedʺ (the factory has switched to the production of military products by 65%), but that the necessary measures will be taken to streamline the work. Since the events promised by the director were not carried out, the workers stopped the machines again, after which the director promised to “come and see”. The promise was again not fulfilled and on August 9, the morning shift of workers (120 people) went on strike, and on August 10, the evening shift (200 people). The strike of the evening shift was caused by a rude attack from the head. the spinning department of the Savostin factory; the workers intended to stop the car for 5 minutes to select delegates for negotiations with the administration, while Savostin ordered to remove the belts from the cars, saying: ʺIf you donʹt want to work, go home.ʺ At a meeting convened by the factory for the second time, the workers pointed out that the administration was the only culprit in the situation. The quality of flax deteriorated due to its storage right on the street, while there are quite suitable premises for this purpose, etc. The conflict was finally eliminated after a specialist who came from the trust improved working conditions. This undermined workersʹ confidence in the factory organizations. During the conflict, the workers were led by the initiator, the church head,

At Shuya spinning mill No. 2, the failure to fulfill the administrationʹs repeated promises to improve the quality of the yarn caused a strike mood among 900 workers (including some of the party members).

Rationalization of production in the textile industry

The transition to a dense work. A number of complications arose during the transition to a dense work largely due to the general lack of preparation for carrying out these measures (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). At the Gorko‐Pavlovsk factory of Ivtekstil, when switching to 4 machines, not a single promise given by the workers of the economic bodies is fulfilled (the quality of the duck does not improve, the bobbins are covered with mold, no auxiliary workers are given, etc.). The unpreparedness of the administration itself, and hence the absence of any explanations, increases the workersʹ dissatisfaction with the measures taken. Typically, the director said to the employeeʹs request to transfer to 4 machines: “You are asking in vain, I do not advise you to switch because you will earn more on steam”. In this regard, among the workers there were conversations: ʺSince the director warns, then 4 machines must be abandoned.ʺ At the NizhneSeredskaya factory, on the initiative of the chairman of the production commission Krikunov (member of the FZK), at a meeting of the commission, without prior agreement with the party collective and the management, the issue of compaction of weaving sets was raised. Head The weaving factory and individual apprentices spoke in favor of consolidation, and it was decided that the issue should be brought up for discussion by all apprentices. At a workshop production meeting that was held soon (400 people attended), the question of compaction was ruined thanks to the speech of the same Krikunov, who indicated that this event would entail an inevitable reduction of apprentices. Neither the director nor the factory knew whether the rates would be changed when the apprenticesʹ work was consolidated.

In some factories (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk), conflicts were accompanied by agitation for the disruption of the 4‐machine system and threats to deal with workers who voluntarily switched to compacted work. Reduction.  The reduction in a number of factories, carried out in connection with rationalization, takes place without preliminary explanation, often without a plan and taking into account the technical possibilities of working in conditions of a reduced staff (factories of the Ulyanovsk Cloth Trust).

During the mass layoffs at the Izmailovskaya f‐ke (Ulyanovsk), workers burdened with large families were dismissed. The downsizing created a shortage of manpower, downtime began and the administration was forced to increase the staff again (for example, the staff of haulers was increased from 2 to 8 people). The discontent of the workers was intensified by the fact that peasants from the surrounding villages were taken to replace the dismissed. Some anti‐Soviet persons used the discontent of the workers, turning them against the administration: ʺIf mobilization is announced, we will turn some heads off.ʺ

Mining (July‐August)

Strikes.  In August, there is a sharp drop in the strike movement among miners (4 with 131 participants versus 14 with 1070 participants in July). The strikes were triggered by higher output rates and related wage cuts. Attention is drawn to the strike at the mine. Krupskaya Pervomaisky mining administration (Lugansk district). The strike of the miners (because of the increased norms, they do not work out their rates for 3 months) was eliminated by the intervention of the police caused by the administration.

Discontent of Azneft workers. The mood of Azneft workers, due to the low level of wages in the fields, is not stable enough. Recently, the mood has worsened due to the establishment of a day of rest (work on Fridays was canceled) and the transfer of the 12‐hour shift from Friday to Tuesday. The cancellation of Fridays has cut workersʹ earnings by 2030%. At the same time, four 12‐hour shifts were established per month (previously they worked at 12 hours twice a month). In their speeches, the workers pointed out that the administration did not take into account the decisions of the workersʹ meetings that spoke out against these innovations, and accused the trade‐union organizations of ʺinsufficiently strong resistance to the arbitrariness of the administration.ʺ Individual members of the CPSU and the KSM spoke out sharply. As a result of massive worker discontent, a compromise decision was made to give workers the opportunity to work two Fridays a month.

Dissatisfaction with the bonus payment system among miners of the DCK.  At the Artyomovsk and Suchansk mines, by order of the administration, not coordinated with the trade unionists, bonuses are issued exclusively to supervisors. In connection with this discontent, all categories of workers are covered. At the Suchansky mine # 2, at a production meeting, a number of workers, with the support of all meeting participants, spoke out against the new bonus system, stating that ʺthe current system, ignoring the interests of workers, leads not to an increase, but to a decrease in labor productivity.ʺ Technical supervision, in an effort to reduce costs, reduces the workerʹs earnings.

The plight of the Chinese mining workers of the DCK. The Chinese mining workers of the DCK are in difficult conditions. The main reason for their plight is the contracting system practiced at the Suchansk and Artyomovsk mines. The Chinese, low‐skilled workers, are exploited by the senior workersʹ contractors (shortcuts are practiced), the earnings of the Chinese are much lower than that of the Russians (delayed wages ‐ there were cases when the Chinese were starving for 3 days). In the face of massive complaints from the Chinese, the mine management, after some resistance, agreed to make the transition to individual work.

Conflict at the Artyomovsk mine (DCK). However, the issue was not previously sufficiently worked out, the special conditions under which the contracting system existed were not taken into account. As a result, 1,070 Chinese workers did not work for 8 days (Artyomovsk mine). The reason for the conflict was that under the contracting system, the duties of the sergeant‐major contractor were to organize meals for the workers of his artel. When the foreman contractors were suddenly dismissed, the artisan ʺfoodʺ ceased to function (there are no public canteens at the mine). Chinese workers demanded to temporarily restore the institute of senior contractors, organize canteens, and then destroy the senior contractors. The mining department had to recruit contractors again. Work has begun on the arrangement of the canteen. During the days of the conflict, the enterprise suffered heavy losses.

Transport workers (July‐August)

Strikes among transport workers are rare, the overwhelming majority of the observed strikes fall on seasonal workers of railways (in July 19 strikes with 1011 participants, of which 16 strikes with 807 participants among seasonal workers, in August 13 strikes with 1148 participants, of which among seasonal workers 12 strikes with 1141 participant).

Dissatisfaction with the level of wages.  Dissatisfaction with the low level of wages (Ryazan‐Uralskaya, Yugo‐Vostochnaya, Central Asia, MKV railway), mainly among depot workers and repair shops, is exacerbated by the extremely slow resolution of conflict issues on the part of trade union organizations and the administration. On the Ussuriyskaya railway. e. workers of mechanical workshops submitted a collective application to the district committee with a request to revise the rates. The statement lay in the district committee until there was talk among the workers about the need to declare a strike, after which the issue was not resolved; in the Luhansk carriage workshops (South railway), due to a significant decrease in earnings, flooding 251 filed an application to the administration to keep the salary at the same level, which the administration left without consequences. The workers submitted a secondary application, where they indicated that if their request was not satisfied, they would quit their jobs, after which the administration and the Union immediately considered the application. On this basis, among the workers, the judgments were noted: ʺThe trade unions are only engaged in squeezing out membership fees, they do nothing else.ʺ ʺKolchak has revived the workers against himself by flogging, and the Soviet government is pushing the workers away with a beggarly salaryʺ (Tomsk road depot).

Staff reduction.  The excitement among the workers is caused by the reduction of staff, carried out on some roads in connection with the rationalization of production (Ryazan‐Ural, MKV, Transbaikal, North Caucasian and Western railways).

Cases of irrational and ill‐considered layoffs, carried out without preliminary study and discussion, give rise to massive discontent among workers.

In depot Kiev No. 1 (300 people), the reduction, carried out without taking into account the real interests of production, provoked a protest from all depot workers who applied to Uchkprofsozh with an application. At an emergency meeting of the Uchkprofsozh with the participation of the secretary of the district party committee, it was decided not to give consent to the reduction.

In the Ivanovsky reserve (Northern Railway), the question of reducing the conductors was not raised either at the delegate or at the general meeting, the reduction was carried out in a purely administrative way, and the most efficient conductors were reduced while the group of conductors remained at work, of which each was suspended from service at least 5‐6 times for drunkenness and debauchery. The depot st. Moscow MKV railway 20 locksmiths were laid off and instead of them those who graduated from the FZU were taken. Among those dissatisfied with the reduction of the depot workers (100 people), there is talk that ʺthe younger generation is learning here in order to throw us workers overboard.ʺ

On the North Caucasian railway. at the Tikhoretsk area, the redundant put forward a demand to revise the composition of the redundant at a mass workersʹ meeting.

Dissatisfaction with the layoffs also covers significant groups of employees. On the Ryazan‐Uralskaya railway the reduction to 40% of the state caused the ʺItalianʺ, from the side of individuals there were calls for an organized strike. Rumors are circulating among the laid‐off employees that it is not a layoff that is taking place, but a ʺpolitical cleaner of the GPU.ʺ

Seasonal workers

The strike movement among seasonal workers in August is sharply declining (36 strikes with 3249 participants against 73 strikes with 5999 participants in July).

Construction strikes continue to prevail (31). Most of the strikes (21) are caused by dissatisfaction with the level of wages (low rates, high rates). A major strike on this basis took place at the construction of mine No. 8 (Ukraine) with new coke ovens, 150 concrete workers went on strike. A demand was put forward for an increase in prices, the RKK prices were slightly increased, which, however, did not satisfy the workers. The strike was initiated by two members of the CPSU. The leadership of strikes by members of the All‐Union Communist Party and representatives of trade‐union organizations was noted in a number of conflicts. In a strike on the construction of houses for the workers of the Krasny Oktyabr plant, where the initiators were the preworker committee and the former pre‐worker committee, the workers demanded higher prices, despite the concluded collective agreement. It should be noted that strikes often occur due to the fault of the administration     (arbitrary             tariffication, miscalculations, rudeness). Within the administration there is a significant percentage of anti‐Soviet people (former police officials, etc.).

At a number of sugar factoriesʹ economies (Kursk Gubernia), harsh living conditions (the delivery of meat with worms, bread and sand, unequipped and cramped barracks) provoke sharp protests among the peasant workers, resulting in clashes with the administration.

At the Takhtomir economy of the Sugar Factory, workers were given bread mixed with sand. Outraged workers made a poster with the words ʺfight against hungerʺ out of a red headscarf and staged a 2‐hour demonstration. During the demonstration, threats were made to the administration.

Workersʹ mood in connection with interruptions in the supply of bread

Interruptions in the supply of flour, bread, salt, sugar and other products continue to cause fluctuations in the mood of workers in a number of industrial regions (mainly in the Center, the Volga region, SKK, Ukraine and Transcaucasia).

In a number of cities, in connection with the failure of the grain procurement organizations to fulfill the plan for the delivery of grain products, there was a significant shortage of grain. From early morning for flour and bread queues of 500 or more people are established (Tver, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, Kineshma, Balakhna, Vyksa, Baku). There were cases when workers, due to lack of bread, starved (Balakhna, Artyomovsk district). The lack of bread creates malicious speculation in flour, for example, in Kineshma (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province), private traders sell white bread for 25 kopecks. per pound.

On this basis, individuals spread panicky and provocative rumors about the export of grain abroad, about the purchase of grain for the army, in view of the imminent internal difficulties of the USSR. ʺThe newspapers write that 78 steamers have been sent to England; the communists are afraid that England will not declare war.ʺ The question of the lack of bread and other food products is being intensively discussed by the workers. The lack of food causes attacks on the Soviet government and the Communist Party among the least conscious part of the workers. The harshest protests took place in the oil fields of Azneft: “The communists feel the approach of war and therefore have hidden all the bread”, “it cannot be that there was no bread, they would give us rifles, we would find bread. They themselves cannot trade and do not allow private traders, but they also think to fight. ʺ ʺThey demand work from us, but when you ask for bread, they refuse you.ʺ

A significant proportion of accusations are directed at the cooperatives, especially sharp dissatisfaction with the cooperative, due to the lack of bread and other products, was revealed at the Krasny Putilovets plant (Leningrad). The report of the work organization at the conference was sharply criticized by the delegates. As a result of the debate, the resolution proposed by the board of the cooperative was rejected and the conference approved the following resolution: “The work of the board is considered bad; the conference finds it necessary to re‐elect the board of the cooperative, and from increasing the share to 15 rubles. refuseʺ.


Dissatisfaction of the unemployed with public works. The increased demand for labor for seasonal work contributed to a slight decrease in unemployment in the summer. Some of the unemployed are employed in public works. However, the conditions existing in public works in a number of regions do not satisfy the unemployed (low wages, arbitrariness in the area of tariffs, poor organization of labor protection). Particularly sharp dissatisfaction with public works is observed among skilled workers: ʺThe exchange mocks the unemployed, sending skilled workers to load firewood, dig the earth, and carry heavy loadsʺ (tanners, Moscow). Agitation for a boycott of public works was noted, which in some cases led to refusal to work. “We need to boycott public works, demand the convocation of a general meeting,

Dissatisfaction with pay and working conditions in public works was revealed in a number of conflicts (Ukraine, Gomel, Uzbekistan). In Gomel, 400 people went on strike for two days in public works on the installation of a backwater in early August, demanding higher wages. The initiators of the strike issued an appeal to the workers. The strike ended with the partial satisfaction of the strikersʹ demands. Most of the conflicts arose through the fault of the foremen, who arbitrarily increased the rates and made increased demands on the unemployed.

Conflicts among unemployed loaders in the Berdyansk port. Noteworthy is the performance of unemployed porters in the Berdyansk region (Mariupol). On August 3, the labor exchange sent 60 loaders to the Pogruzka office for permanent work. The messengers were removed from work by unemployed loaders, who demanded to send old loaders to work at the direction of the unemployed themselves. On August 4, the sent loaders worked, guarded by police squads, but the unemployed (200 people) still took them off their jobs. On August 5, the work went on again under armed protection. On August 6 and 7, the unemployed did not allow the loaders to enter the port at all. The initiator and leader of the conflict was a former member of the anti‐Soviet party. On August 7, a meeting of the unemployed was called, which was relatively calm. It was decided to agree with the establishment of the frame.


In August, read throughout the Union, with the exception of the DCK and individual districts of Ukraine, there is a further decline in rumors of war and the elimination of panic in the countryside. The attention of all strata of the peasantry is mainly focused on questions of tax and grain prices. In areas of crop failure (the North Caucasus, some provinces of the Volga region), wide circles of the peasantry are concerned about the revision of the norms of profitability and the provision of tax discounts, in other regions, especially in the provinces of the Center, North‐West, West, in areas where a significant part of the rural population has collateral earnings from side trades, handicrafts, etc., the underpowered strata of the countryside express dissatisfaction with the imposition of agricultural tax on non‐agricultural earnings.


Conducting ʺdefense weekʺ in the village.  The holding of the ʺweek of defenseʺ contributed to a further decline in rumors associated with the possibility of war, and took place with the complete sympathy of the poor and middle peasants. As isolated facts, cases were noted when, under the influence of the defeatist agitation of the kulaks, meetings dedicated to the ʺweek of defenseʺ (Vladimir province) were not attended by the peasants, defensive resolutions were rejected (Voronezh, Nizhny Novgorod, Tambov and Vladimir provinces), defeatist resolutions and resolutions were passed on the refusal to collect for defense (Vladimir, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk provinces).

Attitude towards agricultural tax.  The overwhelming majority of the poor and middle peasants, while approving the tax system as a whole, believe that the agricultural tax is manageable this year. Partial dissatisfaction with the tax manifests itself only among certain groups of the peasantry on the basis of taxing livestock, leased land, income from handicrafts, agricultural machinery, and especially nonagricultural earnings. In this regard, there are some exacerbations of anti‐urban sentiments and the characteristic requirements for taxation of workers and employees. The taxation of the earnings of handicraftsmen causes discontent not only on the part of the latter, but also among individual middle peasants and poor peasants, who fear that this taxation will ultimately bear its full burden on the peasants.

Shelter of objects of taxation.  The shelter of objects of taxation is observed mainly in the line of non‐agricultural earnings. Along the Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya lips. in Boyarskaya parish. Yuryevetsky u. this year, non‐agricultural earnings were identified in the amount of about 170,000 rubles, while last year non‐agricultural earnings were recorded in the amount of 305,000 rubles, in Palekh parish. Shuisky u. income from non‐agricultural earnings is recorded 23% less than last year; in Sokolinskaya vol., in comparison with last year, nonagricultural earnings were underestimated in the amount of over 16,000 rubles. The concealment of the amount of earnings by artisans and otkhodniks also takes place in the villages of Moscow, Kaluga and Pskov provinces. Employees of the grassroots government and tax commissions often contribute to the shelter.

In a number of volosts of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. a significant underestimation of the amount of taxation forced to re‐register and increase the amount of taxation of artisans, which caused organized protests and resistance from artisans (refusal to sign the lists, disruption of meetings, etc.). Quite often the handicraftsmen are supported by the workers of the grassroots Soviet apparatus.

Aggravation of relations between peasants and state farms and sugar factories in Kursk province.  In connection with the preparation for the winter sowing campaign in Kursk province. there is an exacerbation of relations between peasants and state farms and the economies of sugar factories, especially in the Graivoronsky district. In areas with little land, the question of transferring the land of state farms and economies to the use of peasants is being raised. In Rakityanskaya parish. at gatherings, the peasants insist on transferring all the land of the Rakityan sugar factory to them.

Anti‐Soviet manifestations. In the reporting period, the activity of 13 kulak groups was again revealed (against 19 in July). Of these, 4 were organized in connection with the latest political events. There were 45 cases of protests and agitation for the creation of cross unions (against 49 cases in July), of which 8 were clearly political in nature. In four cases, kulak groups are campaigning for the Constitutional

Court. Attention is drawn to the distribution of defeatist leaflets. In the Moscow province. a leaflet was found signed ʺthe party of monarchistsʺ calling for an uprising in case of war. In the Nizhny Novgorod province. in one of the villages, defeatist leaflets‐slogans were posted and scattered: ʺLong live the rupture of Anglo‐Soviet relationsʺ; ʺWith all determination for England to fight the USSRʺ; ʺWe will be ready for Chamberlainʹs call to strangle communismʺ, etc. Some leaflets were found in Kursk and Ivanovo‐Voznesensk provinces.


The defeatist agitation of the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements. ʺDefense Weekʺ helped to reduce rumors of war, but questions of the international situation of the Soviet Union still remain in the center of attention of all strata of the village. The kulaks and the well‐to‐do, with the active support of anti‐Soviet elements, expecting war and the fall of Soviet power, are spreading all sorts of provocative rumors, conducting defeatist propaganda and threatening reprisals against the Communists and Komsomol members. The activity of antiSoviet elements is noteworthy. Thus, some former landowners, intimidating the peasants, openly declare that the war will soon begin and they will receive their lands back. In the Leningrad province. in one of the villages meetings of priests are organized, at which questions of the international situation, the struggle against village communists and against the Soviet regime are discussed.

The ratio of the poor and middle peasants to the tax.  The poor and middle peasants, while approving the tax system as a whole, express their sharp dissatisfaction with the taxation of non‐agricultural earnings and livestock. “Accounting for side income is a campaign against the poor, since only the poor go to earn money” (poor man of Cherepovets province). “Those working in logging and other side jobs have to pay more tax than a kulak who has the opportunity to live all year round on his own farm” (middle peasant of Leningrad province). In the Pskov province. the poor speak out against the granting of privileges for pedigree livestock and cultivated grass cultivation, which, in their opinion, reduces the tax only to the kulaks and the wealthy.

Anti‐Tax Agitation of the Kulaks.  The well‐to‐do and kulaks, considering the agricultural tax heavy and unbearable, both in private conversations and at meetings when discussing the agricultural tax, come out with sharp anti‐Soviet attacks and call for refusal to pay the tax. In AKSSR, Leningrad, Vologda and Pskov provinces. the kulaks, in order to ʺget rid of the burden of the tax,ʺ call for the overthrow of the Soviet regime. “It is necessary to organize a general uprising and throw off the power and taxes” (Vologda province). ʺThe Soviet power itself is causing a war with the peasantry and with its taxes will bring to the point that the peasantry will rise up and shake taxes off their shouldersʺ (AKSSR).

Anti‐Soviet manifestations (terror, peasant unions).  In total, 18 cases of terror and beatings were registered in the North‐West in August. 7 performances were noted for the cross unions (Leningrad, Pskov, Severodvinsk and Vologda provinces). Among the fishermen of the Murmansk province. there is a tendency to create a fishing union similar in purpose and function to trade unions.


Defense week. Meetings dedicated to the ʺdefense weekʺ were held, especially in Belarus, with the active participation of the poor and middle peasants. In the border zone, in some places, the ʺweek of defenseʺ was held with the active participation of individual poor and middle‐class Poles, who spoke out against the arrival of Poles in case of war.

The activity of the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements. Defeat‐minded kulaks, prosperous and anti‐Soviet elements of the village continue to actively engage in defeatist anti‐Soviet agitation, striving to disrupt the ʺweek of defenseʺ, refusing donations, speaking out in favor of desertion, the creation of gangs, etc. In the Smolensk province. the activity of former landowners has noticeably increased, awaiting the return of their lands and other property in the event of a war and intimidating the population. In Belarus, anti‐Soviet elements among the Polish population are still quite active. In the reporting period, 5 groups were again identified (4 of them were Polish) with 24 members, who hold meetings to discuss the latest political events, await the arrival of Poles, and conduct defeatist campaigning.

Attitude towards agricultural tax. The main factor causing the discontent of the middle peasants and the poor is the taxation of nonagricultural earnings (Bryansk province, Bobruisk district, Mozyr, Polotsk and Minsk districts). In some cases, there is also dissatisfaction with the taxation of livestock. In Mozyr, Gomel, Orsha and Mogilev districts some middle peasants complain about the severity of taxation this year.


ʺNational Defense Weekʺ. A number of measures to militarize the population and strengthen the countryʹs defenses (re‐registering horses, maneuvers of workers ʹand peasantsʹ defense regiments and the Red Army) contributed to some stability of rumors about the war. Nevertheless, over the past 2 months, compared with the previous period, there has been a definite drop in rumors about the war. The ʺweek of defenseʺ held everywhere met a lively response among the poor and middle peasants, who willingly donated to the countryʹs defense. In some cases, the poor even reproached the Soviet authorities that they “did not pay attention to this issue before” (Starobelsk District) and expressed regret that donations were collected before the harvest was sold, why “the peasants cannot give what they would like” (AMSSR, Lugansky, Starobelsky, Kupyansky and a number of other districts). The poor and middle peasants, emphasizing their unwillingness to war, speak out for the unconditional defense of the country in case of danger. It is characteristic that defensive sentiments among the poor and low‐power middle peasants are especially strong in the border districts. The kulaks and the well‐to‐do ʺcountry defense weekʺ were used as a new pretext for defeatist agitation, proving to the peasants that the Soviets would not be able to fight the capitalists, since they ʺwent to the peasants with their bags.ʺ Refusing to donate to defense, the kulaks are trying to persuade the rest of the peasants to do so. In some places the well‐to‐ do took part in donations only out of fears ʺto get on the black board and be taken hostage.ʺ

The attitude of the peasantry to the agricultural tax 1927‐1928 The attitude of the overwhelming majority of the peasantry to the agricultural tax is much better this year than last year. The poor and a significant part of the middle peasantry express satisfaction with the clarification of the tax system, the reduction of the tax itself, etc., due to which the issuance of salary slips 252 passes almost without the excesses that have occurred in the past year. Discontent is caused by certain moments, such as: taxation of livestock, especially small ones, raising the age of cattle and draft animals subject to tax to 4 years (the poor and middle peasants regard this measure as a relaxation to the kulaks who have young livestock and sell old ), the inclusion in tax objects of pasture land (cleanup), which was not taxed last year, the taxation of leased land on the tenantsʹ farm (this causes dissatisfaction not only with kulak tenants and the wealthy, but also the poor, who fear no one will rent it), high rates of taxation of vegetable gardens, orchards, melons and vineyards, and, finally, taxation of subsidiary earnings, which, like last year,

Anti‐tax campaigning.  Taking advantage of the partial dissatisfaction with the tax of certain groups of the peasantry, the kulaks are trying to instill in them a defeatist mood, pointing out that only war and the fall of Soviet power will save the peasants from taxes. In some places, the kulaks tried to provoke the middle peasants to refuse to pay taxes and to accept salary slips, since ʺit doesnʹt matter, they say, the power will soon fall and the money will be wastedʺ (Dnepropetrovsk, Zhitomir, Proskurov, Poltava and Cherkassk districts). Only in areas affected by crop failures from hail, the kulaks in some cases managed to achieve the refusal of salary sheets.

Anti‐Soviet manifestations in the countryside. (ʺCross Unionsʺ).  In August, in 14 districts of Ukraine, 22 speeches were noted demanding the organization of the Constitutional Court: in four cases, the Constitutional Court was nominated as a political organization of the peasantry. Noteworthy is the speech for the Constitutional Court in the Uman district, where two kulaks campaigned for the organization of a ʺpeasant partyʺ, prophesying an imminent rise to power of the SRs and the convocation of a constituent assembly.

Distribution of anti‐Soviet leaflets.  According to additional information for the month of July, the distribution of anti‐Soviet leaflets was noted in the Luhansk, Glukhov and Cherkasy districts. In the Glukhov District, a leaflet signed by the ʺCentral Committee of the Novgorod‐Seversk Organization of Fascistsʺ containing a notice of the beginning of work and a call for a ʺnew Russiaʺ and an intensification of the struggle, was found in a mailbox in the mountains. NovgorodSeversky. Discovered in the village. Martynovka, Cherkasy district, a leaflet in Ukrainian signed by ʺVidbir PUNRʺ called on Ukrainians to ʺfight for the liberation of the Ukrainian people from the oppression of the communists.ʺ In the Artyomovskiy Okrug, the appearance of handwritten anti‐Semitic leaflets was noted in 2 points.

Anti‐Semitism.  There is a definite increase in anti‐Semitism, especially noticeable in Pervomaisky, Cherkassky, Zaporozhye, Umansky. Kiev and Kremenchug districts. In the Cherkassy district in the village. Aleksandrovka, there was an attempt by the anti‐Soviet element to provoke the population into a Jewish pogrom.


Infertility.  A number of counties and volosts of the Samara, Saratov and Stalingrad provinces. affected by crop failure, which created a panic mood among the population of the affected areas. In connection with crop failure, in some places there is a sharp increase in the price of bread and a decrease in the price of livestock. In some villages of Atkarsky u. Saratov province. the price of wheat flour reaches 5 rubles. for a pood. The well‐to‐do in some cases completely stopped selling bread. Some kulaks with large stocks of grain (up to 2‐3000 poods) keep it in the barns, expecting further price increases. Cooperative organizations in a number of villages have no grain reserves. The food crisis noted last month in the Astrakhan province. has not yet become obsolete.

Tax.  The population of the regions of Samara, Saratov and Stalingrad provinces affected by crop failure. everywhere, it almost demands the earliest possible identification of the amount of crop failure and the provision of tax discounts, pointing out that ʺotherwise it will be necessary to refrain from paying the agricultural tax for the first termʺ (Buzuluk u. Samara province.). Fears that the corresponding tax discounts would not be provided forced the population of some lean regions to resort to a massive concealment of taxable objects (Buzuluk, Pugachevsky and Samara districts of Samara province). The concealment of crops is mainly observed on the part of wealthy and middle peasant farms. It is characteristic to note that the concealment of crops takes place in such settlements where this has never been observed in previous years.

Rumors of war and defeatist agitation. The ongoing ʺweek of defenseʺ, the continuing food crisis in the Astrakhan and Stalingrad provinces, a shortage of goods in the Votsk region. give rise to the spread of various provocative rumors by the kulaks and reactionary Cossacks, including rumors about the war. Provocative rumors of war are sometimes successful. In the Votsk region. the peasantry day after day awaits the announcement of mobilization and strenuously continues to buy basic necessities. So, for example, in a number of areas of the Stalingrad province. Under the influence of rumors of war, the Cossacks hide bread in pits and strenuously stock up on manufactories, fearing the depreciation of Soviet money. In the Saratov province. there have been isolated cases of buying up silver coins and refusing to accept Soviet money under the influence of rumors about the war. Along with the overall successful holding of the ʺdefense weekʺ, open defeatist and anti‐Soviet actions of kulaks and the wealthy took place at a number of meetings. In the Saratov province. Once again, there have been cases of failure of resolutions on the countryʹs defense as a result of defeatist actions by kulaks. So, for example: in the village. M. Serdoba Petrovsky the kulak, grouping around itself all the wealthy and former traders of the village, at the meeting spoke out against the defensist resolution, declaring: ʺFirst let the communists go, then the workers, and then we, the peasants, will see.ʺ As a result, the defense resolution was rejected. grouping around himself all the wealthy and former traders of the village, at the meeting spoke out against the defensist resolution, declaring: ʺFirst let the communists go, then the workers, and then we, the peasants, will see.ʺ As a result, the defense resolution was rejected.

In a number of cases, defeatist actions were also noted by the middle peasants and the poor: ʺIf we do not defend ourselves, no one will touch us.ʺ

“It is necessary to pass a resolution that in case of mobilization we refuse to join the ranks of the army” (statements of the poor people of the village of Kostino, Samara province).


The size of the crop failure.  The issues of the international situation, although they still continue to excite the village and the village of the SKK, are inferior to new factors such as crop yield and agricultural tax.

In the districts most affected by crop failures, the underpowered strata of the peasantry and the Cossacks face the threat of undersowing and a reduction in livestock this year.

Already now, the sale of cattle and small livestock by the poor and middle peasants (Stavropol and Armavir districts), the departure to work in more prosperous areas, the growth of bonded deals (the surrender of processed black vapors to the kulaks), etc., are already noted as a mass phenomenon. The situation is aggravated by the fact that surging from years. Buyers in Baku and Astrakhan have inflated prices for bread incredibly and the poor have to overpay significantly against normal prices.

The attitude to the tax of the peasantry and the Cossacks.  Tax 19271928 met by the peasantry and the Cossacks of the districts not affected or slightly affected by crop failure, satisfactorily. In some places, early payment of unified agricultural tax by whole villages and stanitsas (prosperous areas of Armavir and Shakhtinsko‐Donetsk districts) is noted. In areas of crop failure, the poor and middle peasants express dissatisfaction with the establishment of average rates of yield and crops, in some places exceeding the actual size of the harvest (Armavir, Stavropol, Donskoy districts). Uncertainty about the situation with seed and grain‐fodder loans and rumors among the middle peasants that discounts on low prices would be given only to the poor, created a depressive mood and caused a massive sale of livestock.

Dissatisfaction with small discounts for low cost. The provision of low‐cost discounts was carried out without sufficient explanation. Many poor and middle peasants, hoping for a mechanical tax cut, missed all the deadlines for filing individual tax cuts and received no or too little discounts. This caused numerous refusals to accept salary slips and an increase in anti‐Soviet protests. In some places, peasants and Cossacks elect special delegations to be sent to the center with a complaint about the arbitrariness of the local authorities. The initiators of this are usually the kulaks, using the discontent that has developed in all strata of the village. Particularly strong indignation among the underpowered peasantry and the Cossacks of non‐fertile regions is caused by the simultaneous collection of agricultural tax arrears, the Semssud and the State Insurance (the main contingent of the arrears are the poor and middle peasants).

Mass shelter of taxable objects.  In all districts of the NCC, there is a massive (up to 50%) shelter of taxable objects, mainly by fists and wealthy people. The shelter is facilitated by the significant contamination of the tax accounting commissions with elements that pander to the kulaks.

Anti‐Soviet manifestations in the countryside.  The start of the tax and grain procurement campaigns stimulates some seasonal growth in the number of appearances for the Constitutional Court (16 appearances in August versus 14 in July and 7 in June). There is also a certain revival of the activity of the existing kulak groups, however, without their numerical growth (only 4 groups emerged in August). In the Salsk and Maikop districts, anti‐Soviet leaflets were distributed. In the Salsk district, leaflets signed by the Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland were sent through the postal and telegraph office. In the Maikop district, anarchist leaflets calling for the creation of ʺnew free unions of the working peopleʺ were found in the possession of a detained bandit from the stts. Khodyzhenskaya banditshaki.


Reducing rumors of war.  In the reporting month, there was a slight decline in rumors about the war in Siberia. The focus is on the agricultural tax. The defeatist agitation of the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements continues to take place, but most often it is linked to the antitax one, trying to use the discontent of a part of the middle peasants with a mass campaign to re‐register taxable objects.

Hiding taxation objects. The campaign to check crops and other taxable objects, which is being carried out in all districts of Siberia, continues to reveal the massive and in some places organized nature of the hiding of taxable objects. So, for example, in 8 districts of the Kansk District (out of the available 13), more than 8100 dessiatins were identified. covered sowing, more than 630 acts were drawn up for harboring plants, of which about 450 were submitted to the court. In some villages of the three districts of the Kamensky Okrug, the objects of taxation on a voluntary basis, compared to last year, decreased by 50%, etc. In the overwhelming majority of cases, well‐to‐do and kulak farms are the harbinger. The only exception is the Kansk district, where the harboring areas for 8 districts are mainly middle farms. In the Tara district, a number of cases of shelter of objects of taxation by party members, Komsomol members and workers of village councils were revealed.

Inactivity and sabotage of the lower tax apparatus.  The fight against the massive concealment of taxable objects in Siberia is significantly hampered by the inactivity of the accounting and tax commissions, whose representatives are often concealers themselves, and in some cases promote shelter, deliberately evading the duties assigned to them. In a number of cases, in the Kansky, Kamensky, Achinsky and Slavgorodsky districts, the accounting and tax commissions and the chairmen of the village councils are brought to justice for inactivity and aiding the harboring authorities.

Opposition to the work of verification commissions from the kulaks. The stocktaking campaign carried out in all districts of Siberia, in connection with the massive shelter of taxable objects, is being actively opposed by the wealthy and the kulaks. Along with the intensification, in connection with the verification campaign, anti‐tax and defeatist agitation, a number of cases of beating of members of verification commissions and poor activists, contributing to the work of the commission and death threats, were noted. In with. On the initiative of a kulak in the Galaktionovo Minusinsk district, a secret meeting of kulaks ‐ malicious harboring agents (former Kalar warriors) was convened in the house of the former landowner on the issue of hiding taxable objects. For bringing the harbinger to trial, the leaders of the group threaten the chairman and the secretary of the village council with murder. The facts of beatings and threats were also noted in Slavgorod, Tarsk, Irkutsk, Tulunovsk, Tomsk and other districts.


Defense Week. Spreading rumors of war.  Questions of the international situation and the threat of war are still in the center of attention of the peasantry. This is due to the proximity of the Chinese border and a large off‐line White Guard center (Harbin), the saturation of the border regions of the DCK with anti‐Soviet elements (especially in the Amur and Chita districts) and, finally, the lack of correct information. The ʺDefense Weekʺ, misinterpreted in places, was a new reason to increase rumors about the war and caused panic in a number of regions. So, for example, in the village. Kingalchtuy Chita district of the Komsomol cell retired 2 / 3 composition. Chinese border shops play a significant role in spreading rumors. The well‐to‐do (especially in the Amur District) spread rumors about the war in order to sow panic among the population and put pressure on the poor in matters of land management, collection of unified agricultural tax, etc.

Terrorist tendencies of kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements in connection with rumors of war.  The kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements, confident in the inevitability of war and the fall of Soviet power, have become extremely insolent and openly threaten with reprisals the communists, former red partisans and Soviet‐minded elements. The relationship between the kulaks and the red partisans is extremely aggravated and fights often take place between them. Partisans, not having weapons, constantly carry weights with them. Among a part of the poor, the agitation of the wealthy created a depressive mood based on uncertainty about the defensive capability of the USSR.

The attitude of peasants to agricultural tax 1927‐1928 The attitude to the tax of the peasantry of the DCK this year is better than last year, and gives a decrease in anti‐tax sentiments among broad strata of the peasantry. Anti‐tax sentiments are characteristic only of the kulaks and the well‐to‐do, and even among the well‐to‐do there is a certain turning point in the sense of approving the new tax. There have been cases when the well‐to‐do, having learned about the size of the tax, expressed regret that they, fearing a high taxation, sowed little (Zeya district). Nevertheless, most of the well‐to‐do and the kulaks continue to conduct sharp anti‐tax agitation, linking it with rumors of war. Some discontent among the poor and middle peasants is caused by the taxation of subsidiary earnings (carriage, earnings from timber harvesting, etc.), the lack of [definition] of the quality of taxable objects when calculating agricultural tax,

Experimental mobilization progress (Leningrad, Crimea)

Experimental mobilization in Leningrad and Crimea revealed the political stability of the bulk of the peasantry and the cheerful mood of the workers. Reflecting quite consciously about mobilization, some of the peasantry pointed to the wrong timing for mobilization (field work). There are few instances of anti‐Soviet people speaking out, antiSoviet activities were reduced almost entirely to the spread of provocative rumors, the influence of which was paralyzed during the explanatory campaign. During the mobilization, a number of technical shortcomings were noted.

In Leningrad, the notification of the mobilization scheduled for August

31 was carried out on the 30th and in some places in the morning of the 31st.

Shortcomings in the work of the mobile device. A number of defects were revealed in the work of local authorities: 1) the lack of accurate lists of persons liable for military service, 2) representatives of the territorial district arrived at the assembly points belatedly, the population was not sufficiently familiar with the tasks of mobilization. In places inhabited by Finns (Kuivazovskaya and Pargolovskaya vol.), There were no orders in Finnish.

Attendance at collection points.  The turnout at the collection points, in general, was complete and without delays. The observed isolated cases of delay are explained by the incorrectness and inaccuracy of the instructions in the announcements of the day and hour of the turnout, as well as the absence of peasants for field work.

Mass drunkenness and hooliganism among the mobilized were not observed since the sale of alcoholic beverages was prohibited. The exception is Uritskaya Vol., Where up to 40% of those liable for military service did not appear at the volost point due to the fact that the workers living in these localities at the plant were explained one order of appearance, and in Uritskaya Volost. was declared completely different. Half of those who came to the assembly point were drunk and did not obey any discipline, refused to line up and walk to Leningrad, many left by train or tram. The command staff was unable to do anything with the half‐drunk crowd, which in the end, without any formation, moved to Leningrad. Among the mobilized were local traders and gardeners, who acted as a corrupting agent on the rest.

Across the Crimea.  A serious defect in the conduct of mobilization was the delay in the distribution of orders in the Tatar language. This led to a number of errors in attendance and the spread of panic rumors among the Tatar population. In addition, at the collection points, the reference business was poorly established; in Evpatoria, certificates were not issued at all. In Yalta, due to the lack of management of the local military command, only two commanders were appointed at the head of the mobilized detachment (about 500 people) sent to Sevastopol. The detachment was not built. On the way, hooligan antics were noted on the part of the mobilized, up to the removal of drivers from their cars. The detachment refused to go on foot, the passing carts were taken away mobilized. Local transport             was        mobilized to advance                the detachment.


Georgia. Sentiments about the danger of war.  During July and August, the kulaks and merchants noted intensified anti‐Soviet agitation and the spread of provocative rumors (about the British occupation of Batum and the restoration of Menshevik power). The kulaks recommend stocking up on food and weapons, saving metal money, and selling livestock. At the same time, it intimidates the poor, who received their land, and the Soviet elements of the village with violence in the event of a coup. Agitation in favor of the Mensheviks was noted in almost all districts, and especially in Western Georgia and Ajaristan. At the same time, in a number of counties, the formation of kulak groups is observed, in some places under the influence of the clergy (Borchalinsky district).

The poor and less powerful middle peasants approve of the peaceful policy of the Soviet regime. The agitation of the kulaks and rumors evoke a depressed mood among the Soviet elements in the countryside. There is a massive sale of livestock at low prices (Signakhsky district). Cases of termination of receipt of insurance premiums and other payments (Telavsky district) were noted. In Dusheti district the peasants of the Gudamakar Gorge are afraid to drive Barymta 253 to the North Caucasus, fearing that the Ingush and Chechens will again begin to rob livestock with the outbreak of war. Many Svans 254 go to Ossetia to acquire weapons in order to be ready for the moment of war (Verkhne‐Svaneti district).

Armenia. Aggravation of national antagonism. As before, active antiSoviet agitation and the spread of provocative rumors from the Dashnaks and the kulaks continue. In districts with a mixed ethnic composition of the population (Daralagyaz, Erivan), this agitation is aimed at exacerbating national antagonism. In Erivan district (border line) Dashnaks spread provocative rumors that Turkey is supplying local Muslims with weapons to oppose Armenians. At the same time, the kulaks‐Turks are agitating that with the outbreak of the war the Turks will be massacred by the Armenians and urge them to stock up on weapons. The provocative behavior of the Dashnaks causes alarm among the Turks who seek to arm themselves, which, in turn, is used by the Dashnaks for their agitation. As a result, in some areas, peasants of different nationalities refuse to communicate between villages and do not cross their borders. There were a number of beatings and several murders (see annex). The ʺDefense Weekʺ campaign caused a change in the mood of the broad strata of the village. The Armenian poor and farm laborers in a number of cases demanded severe punishment for those who sow provocative rumors (Erivansky district). The turning point towards Soviet power is also noticeable among the Muslim population.

Tax.  A number of abnormalities are observed in the conduct of agricultural tax, mainly in the line of incorrect accounting of taxable objects. In the Kamarly district of the Erivan district the peasants have about 12,000 rubles. arrears that the peasants refuse to pay as incorrectly calculated. The poor are dissatisfied with the underestimation of the objects of taxation of the kulaks, as a result of which they pay less tax than some of the poor and middle peasants. In addition, dissatisfaction is caused by the simultaneous collection of Gosstrakh and various voluntary fees (Daralagyaz district).

Azerbaijan. Aggravation of national antagonism.  The growing agitation of anti‐Soviet and kulak elements, as well as the weakness of measures on the part of local soviet bodies to clarify the issue of the war, contributed to the aggravation of national antagonism in the Gandzhi district, the Nakhichevan region and Nagorno‐Karabakh

(between the Armenians and the Turks) and in the Lenkoran and Salyan districts (between the Russian Turks). In mixed villages, Armenians fear for their fate and distance themselves from the Turks. The migrations taking place on this basis with families, livestock and all property (Nakhichevan Territory and the neighboring districts of the Daralagyaz u. Armenia) causes alarm in the areas of migration.

At the same time, the facts of Russian‐Turkic antagonism are noted. The Russian peasantry is dissatisfied with the ʺTatar dominanceʺ (the Turkization of the Soviet apparatus). The Russians explain the bandit raid on Brusilovka (Salyan u.) By the desire of the Turks to ʺsurvive the Russians from Azerbaijan.ʺ In various parts of Mugan (Salyan and Lankaran districts), many Russian families are selling their property and, after harvesting the fields, intend to leave for the Kuban, fearing reprisals from the Turks during the war. In a number of cases, enmity is inspired by the Russian rural intelligentsia (see the facts in the appendix).

The holding of the ʺdefense weekʺ led to some weakening of anxious moods. The peaceful policy of the Soviet government meets with the approval of the Turkic poor and middle peasants.

Tax.  There is a massive concealment of objects of taxation (mainly by kulaks and partly by the middle peasants). The poor are dissatisfied with this, since the shortfall is split into small farms (the influence of the kulaks in the tax commissions, the weakness of the grassroots government). The poor say: ʺThis year we will again pay more than the rich, who hide their property and generally know how to get a job.ʺ

Spiritualism.  The past mourning days of Magerram have intensified the activities of the Muslim spiritual community and raised religious sentiments. There were cases of anti‐Soviet agitation in mosques. In a number of cases, Komsomol members participated in the Maharram festival. Anti‐religious activities were carried out poorly.

Banditry.  Cases of foreign Kurdish gangs entering our territory also took place in August. The greatest revival of both domestic and foreign banditry is observed in Armenia and Azerbaijan, where gangsters carry out raids on settlements, steal cattle and rob passing citizens. Among the local gang groups deserving attention are the Belkvadze gang (in the area of the village of Gordjami of Adjaristan), establishing ties with an illegal Menshevik organization, and the Shuaya Tair oglu gang, which developed significant activity in the Zakatala district. Azerbaijan. In the area of villages. Shunboltkunesh (Nakhichevan Territory) from Persia crossed into our territory a group of Shahsevan rebels, numbering 915 people (with families). Seized from those who passed: 111 rifles, 1500 cartridges, one revolver and two binoculars. The leaders were arrested.

Disarmament of the population in Georgia and Armenia.  The campaign to disarm the population of Transcaucasia carried out in June‐July has yielded satisfactory results. Seized in Georgia up to

11,000 and Armenia up to 1,000 weapons.


Sentiment over rumors of war.  The question of the possibility of war continues to concern the countryside. The incessant agitation of antiSoviet elements about the war, about the imminent fall of Soviet power is linked with crop failure and anti‐tax agitation and is accompanied by intimidation of peasants and threats against the party, the Komsomol and pioneers, disruption of any public undertakings on land management, resettlement, etc. However, the ʺdefense weekʺ contributed further weakening anxiety and panic among the population. The campaign found a positive response both among the highlanders and the Russian population, attempts to fail the resolutions on defense and defeatist actions were noted rarely and only in Russian regions under the influence of the kulak‐prosperous part of the Cossacks (Sunzhensky District, Circassia).

Spiritualism.  Religious and anti‐Soviet agitation has noticeably increased in recent years. In a number of districts, the opening of new madrassas is observed and the spread of teaching children the Koran at home for a large fee (Circassia, Kabardino‐Balkarian region, Dagestan). A new mosque is being built in K. Tabasaran region on the initiative of the public qadi. There are cases when public money is spent on religious needs (Circassia).

Seizure campaign of vakuf property (Dagestan). Particularly noteworthy is the struggle of the Muslim clergy of Dagestan against the campaign to confiscate the vakuf property in favor of the cross committees. The so‐called progressive clergy (adapting to Soviet conditions) does not openly interfere with the campaign and in some cases support it. The reactionary clergy with all their might oppose the transfer of the vakuf property to the cross committees, meeting with active support from the kulaks. Agitation against expropriation is associated with agitation against the cross‐committees as organizations ʺcontrary to Shariaʺ, usually accompanied by calls for disobedience to Soviet power in general. Thanks to this agitation, the campaign is proceeding with great difficulty. In addition to agitation and shelter by mullahs of books to record vakuf property, there are many cases of assistance to shelters on the part of the kulaks and religiously minded representatives of the grassroots apparatus. Chairman of the village council s. Geli of the Gunib district publicly refused to work in the Council, stating that he did not want to take away the waqfs, “fearing sin and shame,” and the chairman of the commission, at the direction of the mullah and qadi, hid half of the property to be confiscated.

Crop failure and grain market crisis.  The most grain‐growing regions of Dagestan — Achikulaksky, Kizlyarsky, and others — have been affected by poor harvests. In a number of districts (Klinsky, Laksky) the peasantry did not collect grain even for sowing; in the Sampur district, bread was not harvested at all, since the harvest does not justify the cost of harvesting. Due to crop failure, the price of bread increased from 12 to 15 kopecks. per pound (Derbent, Buinaksk). There is also a massive sale of livestock by the poor and middle peasants, reaching in some places up to 40% of the total availability. All sorts of provocative rumors are circulating on the basis of the grain crisis.

ESHN. The poor and a significant part of the middle class are satisfied with the tax policy and often take part in the identification of hidden objects of taxation. The kulaks and the well‐to‐do, for the most part, are clearly hostile to the tax: ʺThe Soviet government is pulling the last skinʺ, ʺyou cannot have property with it, but what you have must be soldʺ, ʺthe tax, despite the crop failure, is heavier than last year.ʺ In antitax agitation, the religious community takes an active part. Everywhere there is a massive cover of objects of taxation, reaching in places from 30 to 50%. In the Cossack and Primalka districts, the shelter reaches 600800 dess. for each page; during the re‐registration of taxable objects, the commission revealed 4,000 head of cattle, hidden from tax. Often, there is shelter and assistance to the concealers on the part of representatives of the grassroots Soviet apparatus (Dagestan,

Banditry.  There is an increase in banditry in the Black Sea region and the Karachay and Chechen regions, where groups of armed criminals from 2 to 5 people carried out several robberies. On the territory of Chechnya, from 5 to 16 August, 4 murders were committed and cases of stealing of peasant horses were noted. The most active gang of the leader Kimchadze, which carried out robberies of bus passengers on the

Sochi‐Adler highway, has now been liquidated.


Political mood.  Kirghiz.  As before, there is a lively discussion of the issue of the possibility of war by all strata of the Kyrgyz population. Anti‐Soviet elements and the clergy of the aul do not stop their agitation about the inevitable death of the Soviet regime and, in this regard, incite national antagonism. In the mountains. Turgay hosted a meeting of the Bay group of the Kaichakites with representatives of the three volosts on the organization of resistance to mobilization, following the example of the uprising during the world war against such an event of Russian tsarism. The facts of agitation against the performance of military service and pre‐conscription training by Kyrgyz youth (Ural, Semipalatinsk, Aktobe and Akmola provinces) deserve special attention.

Russians (peasants and Cossacks). Against the general background of the reluctance of war on the part of the poor and middle peasants, a number of defeatist and anti‐Soviet actions of the middle peasants and the poor were registered, which is partly due to dissatisfaction with taxes and partial crop failure. The intensified anti‐Soviet and defeatist agitation of the kulaks, former white officers and chieftains, and their threats to deal with the poor, communists and Komsomol members in the event of war, create depressive moods in the Soviet part of the village in some places. In the Dzhetysu lips. in a number of villages there is almost universal anti‐Soviet sentiment of the Russian Cossacks, who talk about the need to ʺbeat the Kirghiz and the communistsʺ and restore class privileges.

International friction.  A further exacerbation of relations between the Kyrgyz and the Russians is noted on the basis of disputes over land use issues, systematic waste of crops and meadows and the national composition of the Soviet apparatus. On this basis, conflicts arise that threaten to turn into serious clashes. A case of the murder of a Kirghiz by Russians (Semipalatinsk province) was registered. In the mountains. At a trade union meeting, a note was planted at Atbasar, proposing to stop the indigenization of 255 Soviet apparatus, under the threat of reprisals against the Kyrgyz. The aggravation of relations between the Russians and the Kirghiz is facilitated by the kulak‐bai elements. On the part of the Russian population, the urge to separate from the KSSR (Ural Gubernia) is increasing. Cases of open calls of the Russian kulaks for armed protection of their interests have been noted.

The struggle around the redistribution of hayfields and arable lands.  The campaign for the redistribution of hayfields and arable lands provoked a sharp rebuff from the baystva and aksakals, who were trying to disrupt it by all means. To retain the occupied lands and to avoid the alienation of land surpluses, the bai seize the aul troikas for the distribution of land and hayfields, directing their work in their favor. A number of cases of seizure of the best plots of land and hayfields with the support of workers of the grass‐roots soviet were registered.

The mood of the population in connection with crop failure.  In a number of regions, as a result of drought, the death of crops is noted, reaching 60‐70% and more in some villages and volosts. (Dzhetysu and Syr‐Darya provinces.). On this basis, among the Kyrgyz and Russian population, there is anxiety, fear of hunger and a desire for resettlement. Kulak‐bai elements and the clergy are agitating that crop failure is ʺGodʹs punishment for unbelievers.ʺ The increased purchase of grain by private traders for the purpose of speculation was noted.

Tax campaign.  The tax campaign provoked intensified anti‐tax agitation on the part of the kulaks and bays, with some success in areas affected by crop failure. On the basis of inaccurate accounting of the amount of crop failure, there are cases of dissatisfaction with the tax on the part of the poor and middle peasants. Massive concealment of objects of taxation by kulaks and bays was noted by giving incomplete information or preliminary fictitious distribution of livestock and crops between relatives and the poor. The hiding of taxable objects is often carried out with the support of tax officials.

Responses to the Annenkov trial.  Annenkovʹs trial aroused great interest among the population. Among the numerous former whites in the Semipalatinsk province. sympathy is expressed for

Annenkov. Anonymous letters were sent to the address of the court and defenders with a protest against the court and a greeting to Annenkov. The verdict over Annenkov aroused indignation and indignation of the kulak elements and former White Guards, who expressed regret for the destruction of the ʺbest people.ʺ The poor and middle peasants of the village fully approved the verdict.

Banditry.  Recently, there has been an increase in the activity of local and foreign landscapes, carrying out armed raids on peasant carts, encampments and individuals. The Arsa‐Mafu gang emerged from the most active in the area of Baskunchak Volost. Dzharkent district and after a skirmish with our detachment, capturing 4 Cossacks, she moved abroad. Niyazbekovʹs gang, including 300 armed men, fired at our patrol and facilitated the migration to China of aul No. 5 located near Starbeck (a tributary of the Ters‐Airyk‐Ushe‐Bulak). The measures taken have eliminated a gang of recidivist criminals, including 20 people headed by Turakhin.

The growth of Basmachi in the Kara‐Kalpak region.  Basmachism begins to manifest itself actively in the Khojeyli and Kungrad districts of the Kara‐Kalpak region. Recently, the military units of Tashauz took a number of battles with the Shaltai‐Batyr gang in the Kunya‐Urgench region, having lost 15 Red Army soldiers in a skirmish. Due to the absence in the mountains. Kungrad military units and volunteer militia, the population of the latter is in panic and some intend to evacuate to the mountains. Khojeyli. In the Porsinsky region, the proteges of Dzhunaidkhan are spreading rumors that soon Djunaidkhanu will arrive from England through Persia and under the leadership of the latter they will go to Khiva to conquer the entire region along the Amu‐Darya oasis. Among the Turkmens and

Yomuds 256 there are mass rumors that Djunaid Khan will again be the ruler in Khorezm. In the Chekmey area, near Kungrad, a gang of 25 horsemen is operating, stealing cattle and preparing an attack on herders. A gang of 25 people is hiding in Tugayany, Kungrad region.


Political mood.  Rumors about the war have recently significantly lost their acuteness and only intensified somewhat towards the end of August due to the fact that the trial mobilization in some places was taken for constant. The well‐to‐do kulak elements in the countryside do not stop anti‐Soviet and defeatist agitation, intimidating the Soviet elements. On this basis, there are cases of disruption of land surveying work, withdrawal from cooperatives, etc. The attempts of the kulaks to disrupt the campaign of the ʺweek of defenseʺ by protesting against deductions for the defense of the USSR were also noted, which, however, was not crowned with success.

Anti‐Semitism.  Rumors of war and anti‐Soviet agitation are fueling the rise of anti‐Semitism. There are often statements: ʺIf there is a war and we are given rifles in our hands, we will first of all beat the Jews.ʺ In a number of cases, anti‐Soviet agitation is accompanied by indications of ʺthe dominance of the Jewsʺ in the Soviet apparatus. Anti‐Semitic sentiments also take place among the employees of the lower apparatus.

Crock and tax.  In connection with the poor harvest of spring crops and the lack of pasture for livestock, there is dissatisfaction with the tax and the massive filing of applications for a discount. Kulaks and the wellto‐do spread rumors that crop failures will not be taken into account when levying agricultural tax, that there will be no discounts, etc.

Agitation for the COP.  There were 5 cases of agitation of kulaks and well‐to‐do people for the organization of peasant unions. In one case, the initiator of the spread of the idea of the Constitutional Court is the Tatar activist of the Komsomol, headed by the secretary of the Yevpatoriya district committee of the Komsomol.


Anarchists. A certain revival of underground activity is noted in the Moscow province, where among the anarchist elite there is a desire to organize a bureau to unite all individuals. In the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. in the mountains. Vichuga, a group of former Komsomol members who are fond of anarchism, are engaged in inciting non‐party workers to present various unreasonable demands. The Makhnovists in the Ukraine also revived considerably, among whom rumors are spreading about the concentration of Makhnovist troops on the borders of Poland and Romania. In some districts, anti‐Semitic activities were noted on the part of the Makhnovists, sometimes reaching pogrom agitation and beating of Jews. An insignificant group of anarchists was organized in Kiev, organizing illegal meetings. In addition, the activity of the underground in the Bryansk province intensified.

The liquidation of several groups of anarchists was carried out. In the

Artyomovsk district (Ukraine), a group that had connections with Kharkov, Rostov‐on‐Don and other cities was liquidated, searches of the groupʹs charter and anarchist literature were found. A group of anarchists (including one Moscow anarchist) was arrested in Odessa, and 8 copies of leaflets were found. In the Vladimir district, several anarchists were arrested, participants in the robbery of the State Bank and Priugol, who came illegally from China in order to establish contact with the exists who remained in the Far East.


Professorship.  Recently, reactionary groups of professors in Perm and Tomsk have shown themselves 257... During the re‐election of the board of Perm State University, a group of Syrtsov, Bogoslovsky and others achieved the removal of the candidacies of the former director Sedykh and the candidate for rector Boyarshin (both members of the CPSU (b)), setting the rest of the professors and part of the student body against them. The reactionary professors also waged a campaign against the former rector of Nizhny Novgorod University, Stoychev, who had been nominated to replace him; the latter was nevertheless elected rector. In Tomsk, the reactionary professorship has significantly increased its activity and is striving to ʺseizeʺ and ʺconquerʺ academic bodies, trade union organizations, and even the governing bodies of public education. At a meeting of Tomsk scientists, professor of Tomsk University Kuznetsov spoke about the absence of ʺdemocracyʺ, ʺeveryone commands us, we must seize the local area, we need to win the okrprosʺ. Similar speeches at the same meeting were made by the rector of Tomsk State University Savvin and Vl. Markov.


Old Churchmen.  The “Synod Epistle to all Believersʺ sent out in

August by Metropolitan Sergius 258 (published in Izvestia of the AllRussian Central Executive Committee of August 19 of this year), with which Sergius solemnly proclaims the churchʹs complete loyalty to Soviet power, caused confusion among believers and clergy. There was a division into two almost equal parts. One part of the clergy and laity (merchants, former officials, etc.) sharply condemned Metropolitan Sergius for his message, declaring that he sold himself to the Soviet regime, became ʺredʺ, and so on. Another part of the laity and white clergy, loyal to the Soviet regime, welcomed this step of the Synod, pointing out that “finally, thanks to the message, the correct relationship between the church and the state will be able to be established”, that “the legalization of the church is a long‐awaited moment,” etc. P.

The same strong impression was made among the émigré clergy by another epistle of Sergius, in which it was proposed to Metropolitan Eulogius (who is in Paris) to take on subscription‐obligations from the foreign, White émigré clergy about loyalty to Soviet power. There is information that Evlogiy gave preliminary consent to this, but it is not known whether he will be able to receive the subscriptions required by Sergius from each churchman separately. One can only assume that the Eulogy with some part of the clergy will follow Sergius, while the other part of the clergy with Antony Khrapovitsky 259 takes the opposite position.

In a number of regions of the USSR, reactionary churchmen continue to engage in anti‐Soviet agitation, relying mainly on the fact that ʺthe days of Soviet power are already numbered.ʺ In addition, the clergy are almost everywhere conducting a campaign against the Komsomol and pioneer organizations.

Renovators.  The confusion of the renovationists, in connection with the organization of the Sergius Synod, begins to disappear. The Renovation Synod sends out a letter to the localities criticizing Metropolitan Sergius and proving that he did not say anything new in his message, but only confirmed what was established by the local councils of the Renovationists in 1923‐1925. In some provinces and districts, the renovationists, taking advantage of the confusion of the Tikhonovites, strengthen their positions.

VVTsS.  The organization of the Synod and the message of Sergius did not greatly affect the state of the VVTsS movement as a whole; even the transition to VVTsS of a number of parishes in Bashkiria and the Chelyabinsk district was noted. VVTsS‐sheep are intensively preparing for the upcoming congress in November and have managed to significantly increase their interest in it.

Baptists. The results of the implementation of the decisions of the 26th Congress on the military question can be considered finally clear. The governing councils and regional congresses, with the exception of the North‐West region, joined the decision of the All‐Union Congress. Thus, unconditional recognition of military service became part of the Baptist teaching. The past plenum of the council stated that this issue is over. At the same time, the activity and anger of the antiSoviet element among the Baptists, who are conducting agitation against the resolutions of the 26th Congress, increased, usually associated with anti‐Soviet agitation. In some places, even on the basis of the military issue, separate groups split off from the communities (Vladivostok, Akmolinsk, Bryansk, Orenburg province). It is characteristic that the agitation of certain anti‐Soviet personalities meets with resistance from the masses.

Recently there has been some decline in religiosity among

Baptists. Violations of ʺBaptist moralityʺ have increased significantly, and decisive measures of struggle are not applied. In some places, in order to keep the young people, she was allowed to go to the cinema, attend meetings in ordinary headdresses, etc., make the sectarians ʺworldly people.ʺ This decision caused anger among the elderly and support among young people. The number of people baptized over the summer in the entire USSR — about 700 people (85 of them in Moscow) shows that the growth of the sect has slowed down in comparison with 1926.


Centre. On the territory of some districts of the Tambov, Kaluga and Kursk provinces, there is an increase in criminal group banditry due to the development of the activity of old gangs, as well as the emergence of new bandit groups. The gangs of Ryzhov (Kozelsky district of Kaluga province), Karaev (Shchigrovsky district of Kursk province) and Samorukov (Kirsanovsky and Tambov districts) were especially active. Other manifestations of banditry deserve attention: the robbery of the cash desk of the Alabino MKV platform. accompanied by the murder of the cashier, the escape from the Novo‐Oskol ITD by 8 convicted members of Bychkovʹs gang (moreover, the assistant chief of the ITD was killed and the warden was wounded), an armed raid on the postal and telegraph office in the mountains. Tula, where 2500 rubles were captured. and the office employee was killed. As a result of successful operations, Samorukovʹs gang was liquidated (two bandits were killed, one wounded and two captured); in addition, the leader of the gang, Matveyev, was killed. In total, 10 gangs with a total of 53 people are registered in the Center.

Ukraine.  In connection with the increase in the activity of unreported small bandit groups that are not related to each other and disintegrate after the robbery, the overall crime rate has slightly increased in 11 districts, as well as in railway transport. Of the organized gangs taken into account, they showed themselves actively: the Kaperulʹs gang in the Glukhovsky district ‐ by robbing a cooperative of agricultural partnerships in Buda, a store of Ukrgosspirt and narsud, Vaschenko ‐ in the Konotop district and Bogomolov in the Kamenetsky district. Of the individual manifestations of banditry, the most noteworthy is the robbery by three bandits of the cashier of the Odessa branch of the State Bank in the amount of 21,000 rubles.

The movement of crime from July 1 to August 1 is characterized by the following figures: raids on government institutions ‐ 7, robberies of cooperatives ‐ 31, other robberies ‐ 402, murders ‐ 252, other types of crime (theft, arson, etc.) ‐ 6073. Losses caused to a local population by criminals, 681,117 rubles. Our bodies, as well as the police and the criminal investigation department, liquidated 24 bandit groups with a total number of 173 people during this period. 27 bandits were shot, 158 weapons were taken from criminals. In total, 10 gangs with a total number of 67 people are registered in the district.

Volga region.  The newly organized criminal gang of Kulikov (Kalyukov), who fled from the Yadrinsky ITD, which in a short time carried out a number of robberies and brutal murders, showed considerable activity. Thus, in the Buinsky canton, a gang killed 5 peasants, brutally killed: the head of the district militia and a policeman who pursued the gang; a mill tenant was robbed, and the latter and his wife were tortured; robbed postal and telegraph agencies in Batyrevsky and Yadrinsky districts, etc. To eliminate the gang, a detachment of 50 people was created from URO agents, police, local communists and Red Army soldiers of the Kanash fire warehouse. Arrested 20 people of the gangʹs accomplices and harbors. There are 7 gangs in total ‐ 40 people.

Far Eastern Territory.  Inner area.  There is an increased activity of gangs and hunhuzsheks, especially in the Vladivostok district. A gang of 7 people stands out for its activity, which carried out robberies in the Amur District; in the area of the Selikan crossing, the bandits left two leaflets “Down with the parasites of comrades” and “Dear Amur people”; Simanovichʹs gang (9 people), formed from Cossack emigrants, operating in the Amur district, and in the same district, the Tanaev gang showed itself in a series of robberies. The Yakimov gang, which crossed over from the Chinese territory, operating in the Kharanor‐Borzya region of the Chita District, is mainly engaged in capturing horses. The newly organized criminal gang of Khukhlaev robbed a cooperative in the village. Volno‐Nadezhdino, the apartment of the secretary of the VKP (b) cell at Art. Nadezhdinskaya, etc.

The largest action of the hunkhuzsheks was a raid by a gang of 60 people armed with 3‐line rifles on the forester of the Nizhyn forestry and workers 36 kilometers north‐west of Atamanov. Most of the Hunghui wore Chinese military uniforms with no insignia. As a result of the raid, a ranger was killed, two were wounded, the workers were captured and taken away by the hunghuz, and 5 rifles were captured. To eliminate the gang, maneuvering groups were sent.

We liquidated the hunhuzshayka Li‐Shi‐I among 21 people and captured 3 bandits from the Ptitsyn sabotage gang. There are 11 gangs of 114 people in the inner region.

Foreign area. The gangs of Ptitsyn and Litvintsev, after the unification in the Khanka district of the Vladivostok district, moved to Chinese territory with the aim of reorganization. The whereabouts of the gang were discovered by the Chinese authorities, and as a result of the skirmish, the bandits Litvintsev, Totsky, and others were captured and beheaded. Of other gangs located on Chinese territory, it should be noted: a group of horse thieves (8 people), consisting of Buryats and located at the Chinese headquarters mountains. Manchuria, where Lieutenant Dzhan‐Fu‐Chin and his assistant Yu‐Tung‐Hu are the buyers of stolen horses and those authorized to organize horse thievesʹ gangs; the Korean gang Kim‐Ira (8 people), located in the upper part of Usugou (15 versts south of the village of Karfovsky), which intends to go to the territory of the Far Eastern Territory to collect opium from the Korean population. This gang entered into a mutual non‐aggression agreement with the Hunghuzshai Li. In total, there are 9 gangs in the foreign region ‐ 93 people.

Deputy before the OGPU Trilisser

 Pom. Head of SOU OGPU Deribas Pom. Head of INFO OGPU Butsevich Review of the political state of the USSR in December 1927

A source:  ʺTop Secretʺ: Lubyanka to Stalin on the situation in the country (1922‐1934), v.5 1927 Moscow, 2003

Archive:                CA FSB RF F. 2. Op. 5.D. 386. L. 1‐44. Certified copy.

T. Trilisser

Workers.  In December, the issue of new collective agreements remains at the center of workersʹ attention. At a number of enterprises, the discussion of draft contracts was accompanied by conflicts, mainly in connection with a decrease in prices and an increase in the norms of certain groups of skilled workers, a tightening of the working day and the introduction of new tariff scales.

The issue of interruptions in supplying workersʹ districts with basic necessities (mainly bread and manufactories) also retains its urgency. The activity of anti‐Soviet elements, which used to go along the line of supporting the opposition and the political struggle against the party, is concentrated around the issues of new collective agreements and supply interruptions. Here the activities of anti‐Soviet individuals are closely intertwined with the activities of oppositionminded elements. Stirring up the partial discontent of the workers on a political basis, the anti‐Soviet and opposition elements seek to incite the workers against the union and party organizations and thereby create a basis for their activities.

Although, in general, the strike movement, both in the number of participants and the duration of strikes in December, remains at the level of the previous month (58 strikes with 4424 participants versus 52 strikes with 4524 participants), in the main industries (metalworkers, textile workers, miners) an increase in strikes and workers participating in them (36 strikes with 2532 participants versus 17 strikes with 1030 participants in November), with a sharp drop in the strike movement in other industries.

Peasantry.  In December, a sharp decline in grain procurements is planned, caused mainly by a shortage of goods in the localities with the accumulation of significant cash reserves in the countryside from the sale of industrial crops. The measures taken by local authorities to increase grain procurement in places created the impression in broad strata of the countryside that this was caused by hunger, the threat of war, etc., and increased discontent with the ʺscissorsʺ. A slight increase in procurement prices and the predominant supply of goods to those who are now piling up grain create the basis for the growth of discontent among the less well‐to‐do groups in the countryside, which have already sold their grain surpluses. Kulak and anti‐Soviet elements are agitating for a ʺgrain strikeʺ and ʺsqueezing the cityʺ until the price of bread is raised.

The campaign for re‐election of KKOV in most districts took place with low activity of the poor and middle peasants due to inactivity of KKOV, weak assistance from their side to the poor in a number of cases, and poor preparation for re‐elections. The poor in places were passive and did not oppose the agitation of the kulaks for the elimination and against the organization of the KKOV, which in places had success among the middle peasants (a number of resolutions on the liquidation of the KKOV). Great activity of the poor was noted during the reelection of the KNS in Ukraine.

In December, there is a slight decline in the interest of the countryside in the issues of the partyʹs struggle against the opposition; the antiSoviet element protests the views of the opposition (in particular, on the basis of a shortage of goods and ʺscissorsʺ) have no significant spread and influence. The re‐election campaign of the KKOV during the reporting period, as well as the beginning of re‐elections in the cooperatives and preparations for re‐elections of the Soviets, helped revive the kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements. This was revealed in the growth in the number of kulak groups (55 in December against 24 in November) and agitation for the Constitutional Court (204 in December against 170 in November).

National eastern republics and autonomous regions.  The month of December is characterized by a further increase in the activity of Baystva and Muslim religion in connection with the appeal of indigenous youth (Turkmenistan, Syr‐Darya province, Kazakhstan) and preparatory work for the land and water reform (SurkhanDarinsky and Kashka‐Darinsky districts of Uzbekistan, southern regions of Kyrgyzstan) ...

A     demonstration     of    handicraftsmen     of    the    mountains     took

place. Khujand (Uzbek SSR) with the participation of 1,500 people, and the mass, led and instigated by the beys and traders, greeted the representatives of the authorities with exclamations of ʺdown with it, hit it.ʺ

The campaign for the re‐election of the Krestkoms was accompanied in a number of cases by the opposition of the kulaks, the desire to fail the candidacies of the poor and komyacs, by decrees on the elimination of the KKOV, etc. (Kazakhstan, Buryat‐Mongolia, Oirotia, Crimea, Adygea).

In some regions, the manifesto of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR provoked intensified agitation of anti‐Soviet elements, aimed at sowing distrust of the peasants in the Soviet regime.

In Yakutia, as a result of the struggle against banditry, part of the landscape fled in disorder, the leader Rakhmatullin was wounded, the leader of the Atlases was captured and one of the ideological leaders of the Xenophon movement voluntarily appeared.


Campaign progress for the renegotiation of collective agreements

The discussion of draft new collective agreements that took place in December at a number of enterprises was accompanied by considerable friction.

The main points that cause discontent among workers are the reduction in wages for certain groups of skilled workers (mainly the metal industry), the consolidation and refinement of work (higher standards ‐ mainly in the metal industry; an increase in machine tools and sides per worker and the introduction of fines for marriage due to the fault of the worker ‐ textile workers; an increase in the number of exits ‐ miners, etc.) and, finally, the introduction of new tariff scales in the absence of a clear understanding of the essence and meaning of tariff reform among significant groups of workers. The workersʹ dissatisfaction with certain clauses of the new collective agreements was widely used by anti‐Soviet and opposition elements, who in this campaign were acting as a united front against the unions and the party.

Trying in every way to sharpen the discontent of the workers against the Soviet regime and the party, anti‐Soviet persons at the same time declare their solidarity with the opposition. On the other hand, opposition supporters and those expelled from the CPSU oppositionists often lead and direct anti‐Soviet groups.

For anti‐Soviet groups, the leadership of which includes oppositionists, thoughtfulness and preparedness of actions are characteristic. Often the success of anti‐Soviet and opposition protests was facilitated by the weak work of trade‐union organizations, and sometimes by their direct violation of directives on the procedure for renegotiating contracts.

At a number of enterprises, during discussions at workersʹ meetings (Central Industrial District, Donbass, Kuzbass), the drafts of new collective agreements were rejected, more often individual clauses of the agreement were excluded and changed; cases were noted when the main clauses of the agreement were adopted in the wording of antiSoviet individuals and groups.

Metalworkers. The strike at the Lyubertsy plant. A serious conflict arose at the Lyubertsy plant of agricultural machinery named after Ukhtomsky (2800 workers, Moscow). The discontent of the workers (qualified) arose on the basis of the proposed reduction of prices for a number of workshops under the collective agreement. At the same time, the prices were not announced, and the resolution of the issue of new prices was delayed. On December 29, in connection with this, 40 workers went on strike. The conflict remained unresolved. On January 2, 80 workers of the 14th foundry department went on strike. Due to the tactlessness of the trade union representative and the director and insufficient attention to the beginning conflict on the part of the union bodies, the discontent deepened, and on January 3, two more departments joined the strikers, a total of 1,000 people quit their jobs, after the lunch break, the number of strikers increased to 2,000. The strikers put forward demands ‐ “not to reduce prices,

On January 4, the strike covered all the workers of the plant. The strike was led by a group of anti‐Soviet workers who tried in every possible way to exacerbate and prolong the conflict (the group had connections with individual oppositionists in Moscow).

Speaking at the meetings, the members of the group argued that ʺthe Union does not defend the interests of the workers, fully supporting the dictatorial party over the working classʺ and called on ʺto fight and get what you want, our slogan should be ‐ in the struggle you will acquire your right.ʺ At a delegate meeting on January 4, one of the leaders of the strike put forward a demand “to recognize the strike as legal, to pay for the days of downtime during the strike and two Saturday hours for 1927” (the payment was canceled under the 1927 agreement). However, despite the activity of the initiators, an agreement was reached on January 4 (a representative of the RCI gave the workers a promise that significant sums would be released to equalize wages) and work was resumed on January 5.

On January 9, at the general plant conference, a radical change in the mood of the workers was revealed. It was decided to declare the strike illegal, isolate the initiators of the strike, and investigate the abnormalities existing at the plant.

At the meetings of the workers of the Metal Plant. Ilyich (950 workers) and Lifting Structures (480 workers, Moscow), a resolution was adopted ‐ not to allow a reduction in prices and an increase in standards for skilled workers.

Textiles.  At the enterprises of the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. the draft of a new collective agreement, proposing the transfer of apprentices from 40 to 48 machines and payment from the piece produced, caused fermentation among the apprentices. Apprentices, led by anti‐Soviet elements (among them a number of former members of the CPSU), prepared an organized performance. A number of illegal conferences were organized, and the question of a strike was raised. At the Teikovo factory, one of the apprentices said: ʺIt was not for nothing that Trotsky voted against the 7‐hour working day, he foresaw that the workers would be piled with extra work.ʺ Taking into account the mood of the apprentices, GOST issued a decree ‐ the clause on the transition to the maintenance of 48 machines to be canceled, to transfer from a piece to individual factories only if the apprentices agree.

In Moscow, a sharp protest from workers in textile enterprises caused the inclusion in the new collective agreement of a clause on fines for marriage due to the fault of the worker. The point was rejected at a number of large enterprises (Glukhovskaya factory named after Lenin ‐ 13,015 workers, factories No. 1, 2, 3 (weaving) and No. 1, 2 (paper spinning), ʺProletarian dictatorshipʺ ‐ over 8,000 workers, ‐k # 3 ‐ 5000 workers, Pavlo‐Pokrovsk factory ‐ 6355 workers).

At the Glukhovsky factory, in two workshops, proposals from the opposition were accepted ‐ “to cancel the fine, not to introduce the tariff scale, to take a course towards increasing wages”, “the renegotiation of the collective agreement should go along the line of raising wages both by increasing productivity and by distributing profits ʺ. Speaking in the debate, the members of the group stated: ʺThe Communists are enemies of the working class, why are we here, when, without us, the Communists can work out the Ford Treaty.ʺ ʺThe party has been leading us for 10 years now, no one knows where, we live under the leadership of a one‐sided communist party that only deceives us.ʺ

Miners.  At mining enterprises, the issue around which the struggle is being waged is the increase in the number of exits for workers miners (Ukraine, Siberia).

At the Kemerovo mines (Kuzbass), at all workersʹ meetings in mines, the administrationʹs proposals (increasing the output to miners from 19 to 22) were rejected. The workers admitted that it was possible to increase the output to only 20. The Unionʹs proposal (to increase the output to 21) provoked hostile attacks: ʺThe Union has sold itself to the business executives, at the same time you want to sit on our neck.ʺ

Enterprises of Leningrad.  At the enterprises of Leningrad, meetings for the consideration of new collective agreements, with rare exceptions, were calm, the statements of the Union representatives that changes in the wage scale would not affect the wages of workers, on the contrary, there are funds for raising wages, the workers were greeted with approval and the agreements were adopted with minor changes. However, it should be noted that at a number of enterprises, workers discussed new collective agreements without preliminary, not only detailed, but sometimes general, consideration of them with business executives.

This insufficient agreement of trade unions with business executives on the issue of collective agreements made itself felt when both sides moved on to practical negotiations. Serious disagreements have emerged between business executives and union organizations (according to Mashtrest, there is a discrepancy on 20 points, on Electrosvyaz, on almost all points, etc.), moreover, the exception is only certain trusts (for example, Sudotrest).

Already during the preliminary discussion of new contracts, an aggravation was created at the Krasny Triangle factories (15497 workers and employees) and the Skorokhod factory (5507 workers and employees), where the wages of significant groups of workers will be cut. In addition, the Skorokhod factory has extremely unsuccessfully worked out the prices for the new tariffs.

Oppositionists tried to exploit workersʹ discontent at the Red Triangle plant. At a meeting of workers in the shop, in which wages were significantly reduced, they introduced a resolution proposing to recognize: 1) that the collective agreement in force until recently worsened the situation of workers on all counts, in comparison with the old collective agreement of 1926, 2) that the right of economic agencies to resort to compulsory arbitration (amended version of Article 171 of the Labor Code) was reduced to unilateral regulation of wages and working conditions by the state. The resolution ended with a proposal not to allow any reduction in wages to any worker. At the delegate meeting there, a resolution was proposed in opposition to the Union, where the demand was put forward to restore the 1926‐1927 years excluded from the collective agreement. points (deductions for holiday homes, increase in vacation for those who have worked for more than 8 years, etc.). Nev, in no other case, the oppositionʹs resolutions were not adopted.

Production rationalization (textile industry)

The measures taken to rationalize production (the tightening of the working day and the associated reduction of workers, the complication of working conditions) caused a number of conflicts among textile workers in December (Moscow, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, Kostroma).

In some factories, workers categorically refused to switch to a packed working day (switching to an increased number of machine tools and three shifts), which was largely due to the weak explanatory work on the part of the factory committees and the administrative implementation of these measures. At the Kostroma factory them. Leninʹs weavers motivated their rejection of the compacted work by the poor quality of the yarn; when the administration did try to put them on two machines, they stopped working. At the factory ʺKrasny Profinternʺ (Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya gubernia) on December 27, the factory committeeʹs proposal to switch to 3‐shift work was not accepted by the meeting of the weaving department. Before that, the workers were outraged by the speech of the chairman of the factory committee, who said that ʺthe issue has been resolved irrevocably, but it is necessary to discuss some details.ʺ There were exclamations among the workers: “If so,

The complication of working conditions (the transition to the production of fine grades of yarn, the transition to standard machines), which reduced workersʹ earnings, also caused discontent. At the ʺRabochyʺ factory (Multrotkan trust, Moscow), due to a sharp decrease in wages after the transition to standard machines, 100 workers went on strike. At the Nerekhta textile factory (Kostroma), the wages with the transition to the production of thin linen in December decreased significantly; the management and the factory held this event, disregarding the instructions of the workers. As a result, there was talk among the workers about the need to go on strike. On the door of the weaving department was a notice signed by the Workersʹ Protection Bureau. The announcement suggested that the departments allocate their representatives to discuss ʺpressing issuesʺ, declare a strike on December 12 and go out into the street with the slogan: ʺDown with violence ‐ stop enduring.ʺ The announcement ended with a call to ʺstop the diesels and keep them out of the way until all the requirements are met.ʺ The author of the ad is a student of the factory teacher, a member of the Komsomol.

The Ukom bureau found the management and the factories guilty of the conflict, which had not previously worked out the issue, and made a number of decisions (to seriously study the materials on the norms, pay the workers at the average rate for the shortcomings, supply the factory with all the types of yarn that are required to develop new types of fabrics).

In connection with the layoff of 100 people at the Krasny Oktyabr factory (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province), the director received three anonymous letters with threats and a proposal to “be careful when laying off”.

In a number of factories, anti‐Soviet individuals were very active in carrying out rationalization measures. Their demagogic speeches and agitation when discussing the transition to dense work contributed to the failure of the resolutions proposed by the factories. At the Glukho vskaya f‐ke them. Lenin of the 3rd Moscow Cotton Trust (Moscow), under the influence of a number of anti‐Soviet workers, the resolution on the transition to three machines was rejected. The decision not to switch to 4 machines was also made by both shifts of the water‐water department of the Krasnoye Znamya factory of the 2nd Moscow Cotton Trust. At the factory of the Verkhne‐Seredskaya m‐ry of Gostrest (Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya gubernia), workers of a number of departments (belt, bank‐throw 281, vaterny, etc.), despite the decision made at the production meeting, the dense work was disrupted under the influence of the agitation of two anti‐Soviet workers. The condensed work was again restored after the explanation of the factory committee.

Strikes and conflicts

Metalworkers. Among metalworkers in December, there is an increase in the number of strikes and conflicts (10 cases with 862 participants versus 3 cases with 162 participants), most of them are noted at factories in Moscow (5 facts). Particularly notable is the strike at the Kolomna machine‐building plant GOMZ, which involved up to 300 workers of the shipbuilding shop. The conflict was caused by dissatisfaction with low prices and non‐delivery of warm clothes, stipulated in the contract. The discontent of the workers was kindled by some antiSoviet persons (at the meeting, the party members who spoke at the meeting were shouted ʺdown withʺ, the member of the UCC was not allowed to speak, etc.). The workers agreed to proceed with the decision to set up a mixed commission with workersʹ representatives to consider the demands. Characteristically, long before the strike, the workers submitted three applications to the administration outlining their demands. But the administration ignored the

statements. Attention is drawn to the strike of 125 foundry workers at the Lyubertsy plant on December 6 due to the fact that the workshop was not heated and the workers could not work out the quota due to the low temperature. The workers submitted several applications about this, which the administration did not consider, and only after the strike did they order the heating of the shop.

In connection with the delay in wages, 100 molders went on strike at the Bytoshevsky iron foundry, rented by a labor cartel (Bryansk province). Systematic interruptions in the payment of wages led to a number of strikes at this plant in 1926 and 1927.

Textile workers.  In December, a significant part of strikes and conflicts at textile factories are caused by under‐production due to poor quality of yarn (7 out of 16 strikes with 1411 participants, in November there are 14 strikes among textile workers with 862 participants).

Strikes are still minor and involve groups of workers in the spinning and water departments. The exception is two strikes (IvanovoVoznesensk and Moscow). On December 8 and 9, 400 waterwomen went on strike at B. Dmitrovskaya (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). The aggravation of the conflict at this factory, in addition to dissatisfaction with the underdevelopment, was facilitated by the weak work of the factory organizations and the tactless behavior and rudeness of the director (the director scolded the workers, in addition, without agreement with the party and trade union organizers, he posted an advertisement in which he threatened to “consider the contract violated, with all the attendant hence the consequences ʺif the workers do not start work. This announcement did not receive distribution thanks only to the intervention of the secretary of the collective of the All‐Union Communist Party and the pre‐factory committee).

A special commission created to resolve the conflict delayed its resolution until December 21. A group of initiators of the strike took advantage of this (among them a former member of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, who took part in a strike at the Teikovo factory in 1925), strenuously stirring up the discontent of the workers: “The created commission is a maneuver done by the administration,” etc. The group called on workers demand a general meeting of both shifts before the end of the work of the commission. Thanks to the efforts of the party collective and the factory committee, the meeting was postponed until December 21. At this meeting, the workers agreed with the commissionʹs proposed 3% increase for underdevelopment.

It should be noted that the initiators of the strike intended to put forward a number of other demands at the meeting (payment for downtime during the strike, dismissal of the director and head of the Spinning Factory, refusal of the 7‐hour working day), but they did not succeed (new requirements were not agreed with the workers of the entire spinning department).

At the same factory on December 14, a group of parters went on strike after repeated and fruitless statements from the administration about the ventilation system. After the strike, ventilation was installed.

The strike, which engulfed 300 weavers, took place at the Spinning and Weaving Factory. Nogin of the 1st Moscow Cotton Trust (Moscow) due to dissatisfaction with the low level of wages.

Seasonal workers.  The strike movement among seasonal workers continues to decline (15 strikes with 1,734 members versus 20 strikes with 1,791 members in November). Most of the strikes among seasonal workers arise from dissatisfaction with low wages.

In this regard, the departure of logging workers deserves attention (Budogoshchenskie logging of the Leningrad District, 460 people). Due to the difficult working conditions, workersʹ wages reached only 70 kopecks. per day instead of the promised 3 rubles. 50 kopecks, the huts for housing turned out to be unsuitable, there was no food supply and the lumberjacks had to go to the surrounding villages for them. Outraged lumberjacks, having smashed the premises, doors, window frames and chopped down the boilers, were looking for a representative of the logging company to punish them. They sold the axes and saws given to them to the peasants for a pittance. The request of the lumberjacks to send them to their homeland (Pskov and Vitebsk districts) was satisfied. The transportation cost 10,000 rubles.

A similar conflict arose at the logging operations of the Sunskaya and

Tulmozskaya distances (AKSSR). Timber workers (304 people) quit their jobs, demanding an increase in prices. The strike mood of the Nizhne‐Gaikovsky and Kazatsky mines (Tula) is noted in connection with the delay in wages, reaching several months.

Other industries.  The strike movement in other industries (miners, transport workers, etc.) for the reporting month shows a sharp decline (17 strikes with 347 participants versus 15 strikes with 1703 participants in November).

Attitude towards the opposition

The attention paid by the workers to the question of the opposition in the pre‐congress period fell already during the work of the congress. The decision of the congress brought complete clarity to this question, and after the congress, bewilderment, judgments and discussions on the topic of opposition in the working‐class environment are significantly reduced.

Only minor groups of workers, who have aggravated relations with the administration, worsening financial situation, etc. cause anger against the leaders of party and trade‐union organizations, continue to raise the question of the opposition as ʺthe only defender of the workers.ʺ

For example, at the Artyomovskaya Central Power Plant (Ukraine), workers in the stokerʹs shop (100 people), on the basis of the unsettled conflict with the administration due to low wages, defend the general opposition line, stating that only the opposition is on the side of the workers, in particular, on the issue of wages. Due to dissatisfaction with the size of the salary, the workers of the yard shop of the plant named after Petrovsky (Ukraine) also express a sympathetic attitude towards the opposition.

Anti‐Soviet agitation

Anti‐Soviet elements, who actively supported the opposition in the precongress period, tried to provide moral support to the opposition at certain enterprises during the work of the congress.

At the Vyshnevolotsk convent (Tver Gubernia), a group of opposition workers at a meeting of the dyeing department failed the resolution on sending greetings to the Tver Gubernia Party Conference. “The workers cannot take upon themselves this responsibility, since they do not know the reasons for the opposition’s breakaway from the party and cannot condemn it,” stated the members of the group. They put forward a demand for the VKP (b) cell to convene a conference of nonparty workers ʺto discuss the line of opposition.ʺ The group existing in the dyeing department is systematically campaigning among the workers against the administration and public factory organizations, as well as against the rationalization of production and other measures introduced at the factory. The group includes several former members of the CPSU. Three members of the group were active participants in the strike during the summer months of 1927.

At the Seredsky textile factories (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province), all non‐party apprentices, without exception, refused to sign their greetings to the 15th Party Congress 282. At B. Seredskaya factory, out of 130 apprentices, 17, all members of the All‐Union Communist Party and the Komsomol signed the greeting. The greetings to the congress were interpreted by anti‐Soviet apprentices as opposing

opposition and declared: ʺThe opposition will soon present an ultimatum to the Soviet government and its representatives, so that they leave the government of the country, and itself will take its posts and will be in power.ʺ Among the apprentices there is a fairly significant group of anti‐Soviet people who systematically campaign against the measures of the Soviet government and the party.

The certainty of the decisions of the Congress in relation to the opposition had a significant impact on the decline in the activity of antiSoviet elements.

In connection with the decisions of the congress, a significant part of the anti‐Soviet elements, betting on a split in the party and demanding freedom of speech and press, took a wait‐and‐see attitude.

Indicative is the sharp decrease in leaflets under the slogans of bourgeois democracy and with the promise of support for the opposition, as well as a sharp decrease, compared with November, in the total number of leaflets (November ‐ 40 leaflets, December ‐ 11 leaflets). The activity of anti‐Soviet elements manifests itself mainly in connection with the campaign to renegotiate collective agreements and interruptions in the supply of food and essential goods, etc.

Here the activities of anti‐Soviet individuals are closely intertwined with the activities of opposition‐minded and oppositionists expelled from the party (see the collective agreement campaign).

Typical is the leaflet distributed at the Gorodishchenskaya factory (Moscow province), where it was stated that “the contract cuts wages; the opposition is right when it says that workersʹ wages are decreasing. We urge you to respond with a united rebuff”.

By putting forward clearly unrealizable demands for improving the material conditions of the workers and inciting partial discontent of the workers on economic grounds, anti‐Soviet and opposition elements are trying to tear the workers away from the union and party organizations and thereby create a basis for their activities.

In this respect, the strike at the Lyubertsy plant is extremely characteristic, which simultaneously reveals the temporary nature of the influence of anti‐Soviet and opposition individuals and groups on the workers.

Discontent over supply interruptions

In December, the supply of foodstuffs in a number of regions deteriorated (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, Belarus, the Urals), in some places there is an acute shortage of food (Vladimir, Tver provinces), and the [supply] of essential goods (manufactory, footwear, etc.).).

Queues for groceries and manufactories have become an everyday phenomenon (Center, Belarus, the Volga region, Transcaucasia), and crush and scandals are also common. A number of cases were noted when women standing in line fainted (Saratov, SKK). In this regard, there are conversations among the workers and the wives of workers: ʺAs soon as you think about going to the Central Revolutionary Committee, so your heart stops, that and look to be crushedʺ (Stalingrad). “For ten pounds of flour you have to kill the whole day, you leave the farm, your husband comes home from work, but dinner is not ready” (village at the Krasny Oktyabr plant). The harsh treatment and abuse of sellers also affect the mood of the workers. Very often sellers ʺby acquaintanceʺ release goods without a mark in cooperative books. There was also a case when, in front of buyers, sellers removed a manufactory, declaring: “You will not receive a manufactory, because we ourselves need the goods” (Penza). In connection with the growth of discontent over the past period, several excesses took place. In Belarus in one of the storage facilities283 the crowd kicked down the door, and in the confusion several sacks of flour were stolen. In Saratov, queuing people (there were a total of 500 people) burst into the store and knocked over the counter; similar facts take place in the Penza province. and in Batum. At workersʹ meetings, reports from cooperatives are met with harsh criticism and categorical demands to ʺimprove supplies.ʺ

A cooperative conference at the Belarusian‐Baltic plant took place at a stormy pace. The workers pointed out: ʺWe will not pay the share contribution anymore, because we only hear that the cooperative is wasting, but there are no products.ʺ

Anti‐Soviet elements are actively speaking out, trying to exacerbate workersʹ discontent. For example, in Ivanovo‐Voznesensk at the Krasnaya Vetka factory, a group of workers noted a conversation: “They’ve put on a ration, we must, probably, take power under the nail, soon we will throw out leaflets and call on the population to fight against the communists”. Discovered in Tver

leaflet, which states: ʺThere is no oil, flour has only recently become, there is no kerosene, people have been deceived.ʺ The leaflet threatens a strike if supplies are not made.



Sentiments related to prices and commodity shortages. The question of ʺscissorsʺ continues to be raised mainly in the producing provinces. In the speeches of the representatives of the well‐to‐do groups and middle peasants, it is indicated that the [price reduction] has been insufficient. “It is necessary to make another reduction” (Tambov province). “You can still buy half a shirt for a pood of bread” (Voronezh province). Dissatisfaction with the “scissors” is especially aggravated by the lack of a sufficient number of goods that have not yet reached the village market: “In the summer, when the man had no money, there was goods in all the shops, but autumn came, money appeared and goods were gone, but software is sold only membership books for 10 rubles, and goods can be obtained only for 40 kopecks. ʺ (Voronezh province.). In Kursk province. grass‐roots cooperatives of the Graivoronskaya parish. categorically refused to receive advances on grain procurements, arguing that that the peasants do not want to surrender their grain for money, having the latter in their hands from earnings in the waste industries. In connection with the pressure of local organizations to strengthen grain procurements in a number of areas of Kursk and Tula provinces. there is a purchase of bread by the population. In the Tula province. a mood was created among the peasants that the procurers would come to the countryside for bread; in some cases, carts with bread, heading to the city, returned back 100 miles away. The kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements, in connection with the measures to restrict the private trader, are agitating that “the private donor helped to strengthen the peasant economy, while the Soviet government is doing the opposite” (Tula province).

Re‐election of KKOV. a) Participation in re‐elections.  The materials on the course of the KKOVʹs reporting and re‐election campaign reveal the weak participation of the population in the re‐elections. For example, in the Tambov lips. ‐ not more than 25%. In Moscow Gubernia, despite the increased activity of the peasantry compared to the 1925 re‐elections (from 30 to 40% of voters participate in the reelections), in a number of districts the re‐election meetings were disrupted 2‐3 times due to the absence of voters (37 cases); similar facts were noted in Tambov (21 cases), Voronezh (31) and other provinces.

b)                  Speeches on the reports of KKOV.  At the reporting meetings, the poor and middle peasants sharply criticize the activities of the KKOV, pointing mainly to their inoperability, mismanagement, insufficient help to the poor, drunkenness and corruption of the KKOV workers. A number of complaints about the improper distribution of the poor credit and the funds of the committees, which sometimes fall to the middle peasants and the wealthy, and the connivance of the KKOV workers to the kulaks (Moscow, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk and other provinces). In some districts, as a means of increasing the efficiency of the KKOV, the demand is being put forward to pay the elected workers of the committees (Moscow, Voronezh provinces).

c)                   Speeches of the middle peasants and poor peasants for the elimination of KKOV.  A significant number of statements by the middle peasants with proposals to liquidate the KKOV were registered: “The peasants do not see anything good in KKOV and do not know why they exist; we intend to abolish the committee, which is useless both for the poor and for all the peasants” (Voronezh province). Sometimes the need to eliminate KKOV by the middle peasants is motivated by the fact that they are exclusively poor organizations: ʺWe do not need Mutual Aid Committees, since they only protect the poor.ʺ Some middle peasants, opposing the KKOV, make proposals on the transfer of funds and functions of the KKOV to the village councils (Voronezh, Moscow provinces).

Where the KKOV are especially inactive, there are cases of advocacy for their liquidation on the part of the poor: ʺWe have not seen any benefit from the KKOV for a number of years, we will not elect him, since we do not need it.ʺ

d)                  Speech against the KKOV of the kulaks and the wealthy.  The kulak‐prosperous elements everywhere opposed the organization and for the liquidation of the KKOVs: “KKOVs are the same as the committees of the poor, which were for the decomposition of the peasants. KKOV you lead to the stratification of the village so that the peasants do not speak the same language. There is no need to succumb to the provocation of the party” (Moscow province). In some cases, the kulaks succeeded in disrupting re‐election meetings and the peasants refusing to re‐elect KKOV (in Moscow province ‐ 8, IvanovoVoznesenskaya ‐ 9 and Kaluga ‐ 3 cases). In the Tambov province. The kulak group passed through the meeting a resolution to liquidate the KKOV.

Anti‐Soviet manifestations in the countryside.

a) Agitation for the COP.  In December, the growth of agitation for the cross unions continues (91 facts against 72 in November). Over 60% of all speeches for the Constitutional Court took place at various kinds of meetings. The largest number of facts of campaigning for the Constitutional Court is still provided by Moscow province. (38 versus

32 in November). The speeches mainly put forward the demands of the


peasant trade union (23), price regulation (18), political (15) and replacement of the KKOV organization by the peasant union (11).

b)                  Kulak groups.  The emergence of 10 kulak groups was registered (Tambov ‐ 5, Voronezh ‐ 3, Vladimir and Kaluga one each), of which 8 were organized in connection with the re‐elections of the KKOV and cooperation.

In the Voronezh province. two opposition groups from the former members of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and former members of the Komsomol are showing themselves. Members of the group in the club and in the bazaar systematically conduct anti‐Soviet agitation, speaking out with opposition slogans.

c)                   Mass performance.  Noteworthy is the mass performance in the village. Sands of Tambov province, where a crowd of 400 peasants tried to arrange lynching over a thief caught in the bazaar. At the time of lynching, anti‐Soviet elements were agitating: ʺThe government must be beaten, it breeds thieves, it protects only the interests of the workers, long live the alliance of the working peasantry, long live the party of peasants, beat all the Jews who are against the peasantry.ʺ

d)                  Leaflets.  In the Voronezh province. in the villages of Kon‐Kolodez and Khlebnoye, three leaflets were found against the expulsion of Zinoviev and Trotsky from the party.


Sentiments in connection with flax harvesting.  The reduction in prices for raw flax, carried out in a number of regions, caused strong discontent among the strata of the peasantry, especially in areas of partial flax crop failure. There are separate statements about the need to reduce flax sowing: “Why did they cut prices without notifying the population about it; for three years the authorities deceived us, now they will not deceive us, we will not sow flax” (Pskov Okrug); ʺWe will not show any more, flax is gone now, and the price is low, it is unprofitable to sow it, it is better to sow cloverʺ

(Velikie Luki district).

The kulaks and the well‐to‐do in most cases refrain from exporting flax, and sometimes even buy from the peasants, declaring: ʺWe will wait until spring, such a product as flax will never disappear, and the current prices for it are lowʺ (Opochetsky District, Pskov District). Weak saturation of the market with manufactured goods is also reflected in the course of the flax harvesting campaign.

Re‐election of KKOV. a) Preparation for re‐elections.  Along the edge, the preparatory campaign for the re‐election of the KKOV has been weak. Attendance at re‐election meetings in the region ranges from 22 to 50%. In some districts of the Borovichi, Cherepovets districts and AKSSR there was absolutely no preparatory work for the re‐election, in many districts the re‐election meetings were not convened. Facts were also noted when the middle peasants were not invited to the poor meetings, which caused strong discontent on the part of the latter

(Komi region, Borovichsky and Cherepovets districts).

b)                  The activity of the kulaks and the wealthy.  The kulaks and the wealthy waged widespread agitation against the KKOV organization and at the same time sought to seize the leadership of the KKOV by nominating their own candidates. In a number of cases, the kulaks, with the support of the middle peasants, succeeded in passing resolutions on renouncing the organization of the KKOV (Cherepovets and

Borovichi districts).

c)                   Re‐election of cooperation.  The materials covering the course of the re‐elections of the cooperatives indicate a more active participation of the peasants, in comparison with the re‐elections of the KKOV. The kulaks showed considerable activity, striving to seize the government. Six kulak groups took part in the elections, of which three were partially successful. In the AKSSR, at the re‐elections of the Padonsky PO, a group of kulaks achieved a 5‐minute break before the elections and held their own meeting; the group managed to get two of its candidates on the board. In with. Finov‐Lukh of the Novgorod District, before the elections of the cooperatives, the group of the wealthy, led by a former officer, convened an illegal meeting three times, nominating their candidates for the board.

Anti‐Soviet manifestations in the countryside, a) Groups.  In total, 15 groups showed themselves in the reporting period, of which 7 were organized in connection with the re‐elections of the cooperatives and KKOV. In the Leningrad Okrug, the Estonian group of kulaks systematically organizes their meetings, maintaining contact with local pastor through the leader and receiving from the latter an appeal from the latter outgoing from Estonia for distribution among the population: ʺEveryone who wants to receive help from the Estonian church should teach their children under the supervision of the pastor.ʺ 

b)                  Terror.  In December, 11 cases of beatings and attempts on the life of workers of the grassroots soviet and village activists were registered. The murder of a village correspondent took place in the

Leningrad district.

c)                   Campaigning for the COP.  In 6 constituencies, 14 speeches for the creation of a cross union were noted (instead of 8 in the last month).


Prodcrisis. In Mogilev, Polotsk and especially Orsha districts (Belarus), partially affected by crop failures, the food crisis is acutely felt. In the Puglyaevsky village council of the Orsha district, 75% of the poor and middle peasants do not have bread and buy it on the market. Cases have been noted when the low‐power strata of the village sell livestock to buy grain (Polotsk District). In the mountains. Orsha, near the Khleboprodukt storage warehouse, there are 200 peasants in line every day. The situation is aggravated by the fact that the cooperatives are not able to meet the growing demand of the population for bread and flour, which is used by the kulaks and the wealthy, who speculate in flour purchased from cooperatives and state trade organizations (Bobruisk, Orsha districts). Expecting to earn some money during the food crisis in the spring, the kulaks are buying bread, especially rye and oats, selling surplus cattle for this purpose (Orsha District).

Anti‐Soviet group.  In Smolensk Gubernia, in connection with the reelection of the Volochkovsky agricultural partnership, with the aim of failing the candidacy of the wolkom of the CPSU (b), more than 100 leaflets of anti‐Soviet content and with slogans of the opposition were distributed. The leaflets were distributed by a group consisting of a party member, two party candidates, two members of the Komsomol who were under the influence of anti‐Soviet elements (including their teacher and a private doctor), who were campaigning for peasant unions. The group has been liquidated.


Re‐election CNS. A number of government measures to strengthen poor households, in particular the benefits to the poor provided by the CEC manifesto, which contributed to the increase in the political activity of the poor, led to a significant revival during the re‐election of the KNU. According to campaign data for 20 constituencies, the average attendance by non‐spammers to re‐election meetings ranges from 50 to 70% of all members of the CND, and from 60 to 95‐100% of electoral meetings, with significant participation and the unorganized poor. The passivity of the poor in the elections noted in some villages is largely due to the weakness of the work of local organizations in the preparation of re‐elections and the clogging of the apparatus of rural KNS with unworkable elements, as well as the coincidence in time of several re‐election campaigns of KNS, KKOV, cooperatives and the reporting campaign by village councils.

Most of the meetings were held with high activity of non‐chews, who subjected business criticism to the work of the KNS, and the work of village councils, cooperatives and other public organizations in the countryside was also touched upon in their speeches. In a large number of speeches, the non‐cheaters noted the difficult material situation of the poor, the inadequacy and incorrect distribution of loans to the poor for raising farms, the inadequacy of the school network and the lack of coverage of the children of the poor in schools. In some speeches, the non‐cheaters spoke out against the curtailment of the administrative rights of the KNS (Zhitomir, Melitopol and Chernihiv districts) and stated that ʺKNS does not give anythingʺ, that attention is now being paid to them only so that the poor people vote for the Communists, etc. At one of the meetings in the Kharkov district, a poor man‐activist raised the question of the need to organize a peasant union to improve the life of the poor; the speech did not meet with sympathy among the non‐chewers.

Re‐election of self‐help committees.  The campaign that has begun for the re‐election of the KKOV boards is taking place with much less activity of the villagers than the re‐election of the KNS. The lack of authority and weak work of the KOV and insufficient preparatory work for re‐elections (in some villages, the village councils did not know about the appointment of re‐elections) caused the passivity of peasants in the elections. In the Odessa and Kharkov districts, the poor raised the issue of eliminating KOV.

Grain procurement and commodity shortage. In December, after a slight increase in the export of grain in the previous months, there was a significant drop in the export of grain to the market. Due to the lack of necessary goods during the period of the greatest accumulation of money and grain and raw materials in the village, provocative rumors were spread that ʺthe Jews and the government deliberately hid the goods in order to tear them off the peasants laterʺ, etc. The kulaks and the well‐to‐do, using the moments of dissatisfaction with the commodity shortage, intensified agitation for the liquidation of cooperatives, for the non‐export of grain and agitation for the expansion of private trade. Weak export of grain was also facilitated by weak pressure to collect arrears on various payments from wealthy groups in the village. In the village. Yuryevka of the Luhansk District, the kulaks, who had 1‐2 thousand and more poods of bread, say: “We will wait a year until the price of bread reaches 3 rubles. for a pood ʺ. The speculation of kulaks and wealthy peasants on the gap in prices for bread in the producing and consuming regions is noted. With the establishment of a sled route, the kulaks, grinding grain into flour, send bread by tug to the northern districts of Ukraine, to Bryansk province. and other industrial centers. With the restriction of the grinding of peasant grain at state mills, speculation has significantly stopped. The prohibition of grinding grain for the highest grades of flour caused a sharp anti‐Soviet agitation by the kulaks, who tried to incite the entire peasantry against this measure, and the organization of pressure on the higher bodies to cancel the restriction on grinding.

Recent measures to strengthen grain procurements (pressure on defaulters of payments obligatory for the peasantry, etc.) have caused various provocative rumors to spread by the kulaks about war, about famine in the North, about a return to military communism, etc. bread caused discontent among the poor and middle peasants, who had already sold their surplus. At a meeting of peasants in the Turovsky district of the Kiev district, the poor man who spoke with universal approval said that “the Soviet government, having raised the price of bread from 80 kopecks. up to 1 rub. for a pood, when the poor sold their grain, they deceived the peasants, and therefore it is not necessary to give the Soviet government a single pound of grain. ʺ

Anti‐Soviet manifestations. Cross unions.  For 3 weeks of December in 13 districts of Ukraine 28 performances for the Constitutional Court were noted; there were 13 speeches at meetings and conferences, 7 of them in connection with the discussion of the manifesto. An anti‐Soviet group that campaigned for the Constitutional Court in one of the units of the 1st Cavalry Corps (Proskurov) deserves attention; members of the group repeatedly spoke at political conversations demanding the organization of the Constitutional Court, the leader of the group, a wealthy one, speaking at one conversation, said: ʺWe will never come to socialism, we need to make a second revolution.ʺ The members of this group are currently demobilized. In with. Preobrazhenskoe of the Zaporizhzhya district kulak is agitating among the peasants that ʺthe opposition brings the peasantry the freedom to create peasant unions and the freedom of groupings.ʺ

Groupings.  Four groups were re‐organized in December, two of them on the basis of preparations for the re‐election of village councils (Berdichevsky and Korostensky districts) and two campaigning for the Constitutional Court (Dnepropetrovsk and Lugansk districts).

Anti‐Soviet leaflets.  During the month of December, there were three cases of appearance of religious‐monarchist leaflets of local origin (Krivoy Rog, Shepetovsky and Poltava districts).

Terror.  There were 13 cases of terror, of which 5 were murders. In 6 cases, the terror is directed against the workers of the grassroots Soviet apparatus. In one case, the premises of a Komsomol cell were destroyed. In the Shepetivka district, members of a kulak group, recently released from the arrest of the GPU, tried to beat up a Komsomol activist who was suspected of having links with the GPU.


Tax campaign progress.  The receipt of agricultural tax in December was weak. In Armavir District, by the time the 2nd payment term expires, only 18‐20% of the task has been completed; in the Kuban District, in a number of districts, there is a significant number of 1stterm arrears: over 3700 in Korenovsky District, over 5000 in Pavlovsky District, up to 40% of farms are described for non‐payment. For most part, non‐debtors remain completely unpunished. A sharp decrease in the rate of tax receipts was outlined after the publication of the manifesto of the CEC, which is explained by the expectation of tax discounts not only for low‐power but well‐to‐do groups. Typical statements are: ʺDeclare to whom what is due according to the manifesto, then collect.ʺ

An equally important reason for the weak receipts of the unified agricultural tax is the insufficient pressure on the payers, especially on the well‐to‐do and kulaks, from the village councils. There are not isolated cases of village councils refusing to put pressure on nonpayers. Often, the members of the village council themselves are sloppy payers and in such cases do not exert any pressure on non‐payers. The situation is even worse with the receipt of payments under the State Insurance.

Incorrect distribution of discounts by manifest.  In connection with the distribution of discounts according to the manifesto, a number of shortcomings were noted. In the Kuban district in the stc. Eastern strong middle peasants were exempted from tax and the poor, taxed in 1‐2 rubles, were not exempted from tax. In a number of cases, employees of RECs and village councils with strong farms were exempted from the tax at the expense of the poor.

Anti‐Soviet manifestations in the countryside. Agitation for the COP. According to incomplete data, in December there were 16 appearances in 7 constituencies (19 in November) for the COP, 8 appearances for the COP took place at meetings and conferences. Among the requirements of the organization of the CU, the requirements of the CU for price regulation prevail (7 out of 16). Two speeches for the Constitutional Court were noted on the basis of dissatisfaction with the large benefits of the CEC manifesto to workers (Salsky and Donskoy districts) and one speech for the Constitutional Court in connection with the activities of the opposition (Maikop district). In stts. Pronookopskaya Armavir district campaigning for the Constitutional Court is carried out systematically, and the question of organizing the Constitutional Court was repeatedly discussed at the meetings of the Hunter Union, which unites up to 130 prosperous peasants; one of the members of this Union in a group of one‐page workers said: “If we organize a union of grain growers, it will be such a force that in no time will it take control of the country and trade with all countries,

Kulak groups.  In the Armavir, Donetsk and Stavropol districts, 7 kulak and anti‐Soviet groups showed themselves, 5 of them spoke at the re‐election of the boards of the cooperatives (in Donetsk ‐ 4 and Stavropol ‐ one). 4 groups that spoke at the re‐election of cooperation in the Donetsk district were defeated, with the exception of one in the stc. Verkhne‐Talovoy, where the group succeeded in leaving the old chairman of the board, the protege of the kulaks.

Counterrevolutionary leaflets.  In with. In the Novo‐Kuban Armavir District, a counterrevolutionary leaflet entitled ʺNotice of the Revolutionary Centerʺ was found on a telegraph pole near the house of a public worker.


The progress of grain procurements and dissatisfaction with low prices for bread.  Despite the available surpluses, concentrated mainly among the wealthy and strong middle peasants, the supply of bread is insignificant. In case of emergency, the peasants sell livestock, holding back the grain (Samara and Penza provinces). On the part of the kulak and well‐to‐do part of the village (Samara Gubernia), there are tendencies of ʺsqueezing the cityʺ, a desire to use the difficulties with grain procurement in order to raise the price of bread. “The peasants expected the price of bread to be 3 rubles. pood, then the peasant, having sold his grain, could buy the necessary goods. Now the peasants will not sell grain ‐ in the end, the Soviet government will change its mind and meet the peasants halfway, setting higher prices for grain. ʺ

Similar sentiments are observed among a part of the middle peasantry (Melekessky and Buguruslaneky districts of Samara province).

In expectation of an increase in the price of bread by the spring, the latter are not sold, accusing the authorities of ʺdevaluing peasant labor.ʺ

Product hunger. An acute shortage of manufactured goods, especially manufactory, which is observed in all provinces of the Volga region,


continues to cause strong discontent and criticism against cooperative organizations and Soviet power among broad strata of the countryside. “At every meeting we hear that there are a lot of goods, factories and plants have exceeded the pre‐war level, but in reality there are no goods ‐ now we cannot believe these fairy tales” (Astrakhan province). The release of the manufactory only to members of the cooperative who contributed a full share (Penza province), and its distribution primarily among the employees of cooperative organizations, also causes strong discontent among the peasantry, mainly the poor, who in most cases did not contribute the full share and therefore remain dissatisfied with the manufacture and other goods. “We, the poor, are not given goods as if they were not shareholders, but we, in view of our poor,

Anti‐tax agitation of the kulaks and the wealthy.  The use of coercive measures against malicious defaulters (inventory of property) intensified agitation among the kulaks and the well‐to‐do for refusing to pay the agricultural tax. Several attempts by the kulaks to provoke mass demonstrations during the production of an inventory of property (Samara and Astrakhan provinces) were noted. At a general meeting in the village. Chulpan of the Astrakhan province. peasanttrappers, incited by the wealthy (ʺthe Soviet government is pulling the skin off usʺ), refused to pay the tax.

Anti‐Soviet manifestations.  During the reporting period, 13 kulak groups showed themselves (7 in November), of which 9 were created in connection with the re‐elections of the cooperatives, 3 ‐ to oppose tax and one ‐ to oppose land management.

Groupings.  In with. Upper Baskunchak, Astrakhan province. A group of kulaks (it includes the former secretary of the village council, the chairman of the board of the PO and 13 kulaks) at the general meeting failed the candidacies of the poor and appointed their protégés to the board and chairman of the PO. In with. The rooks of the same province, the kulak troika, with the support of the kulaks, failed the poor peasantsʹ list of candidates and held their own candidates. In with. Voskresenka (Samara Gubernia), the kulak group held their own representatives of the agricultural credit partnership.

Cross unions.  During the reporting period, 12 appearances for the COP were registered (6 in November). In two cases, the COP was nominated to replace the KKOV. “The present cross‐committees are dead organizations. The peasants, like the workers, need to have their own organization — peasant committees on an all‐Russian scale” (Saratov Gubernia).


Attitude towards grain procurements.  Weak delivery of bread continues in most districts. In addition to a number of objective reasons, the main reasons for retaining grain by the wealthy and partly middle peasant strata of the village remain, in addition to a number of objective reasons (the worst harvest compared to last year, the lack of roads, which lasted for more than a month in most districts and interfered with the delivery of grain, etc.), lack of manufactured goods and waiting for grain prices. The introduction by Sibraytorg of a new classification of breads, which provides for a slight reduction in prices for high‐grade wheat, and the violation by some procurers of syndicated prices 284 especially heightened the wait‐and‐see mood: “Perhaps the price will rise, since the prices of the procurers are unstable” (Barnaul District); “I am sure that the state will raise the price of bread anyway” (kulak, ibid.). Along with this, secondary agricultural products (meat, leather, firewood, etc.) are exported to the market to meet urgent needs and for payments (tax, insurance, etc.).

Dissatisfaction with the shortage of goods. The acute shortage in the grassroots cooperation of manufactured goods, primarily manufactory, as well as soap, salt, tea, window glass, etc., continues to cause strong discontent among broad sections of the countryside. The goods received in small quantities by rural cooperatives are quickly snapped up by the population; in some cases, it is necessary to call the police in order to maintain order during the release of goods (Barnaul district). In a number of districts, peasants come to cooperatives every day to inquire whether the goods have turned out (Tomsk District, etc.). Practical leave of manufacture exclusively to members of the cooperative society causes strong discontent among the rest of the noncooperative population. “The state does not release the goods because it wants to cooperate 100% of the population” (Tomsk District). In the Bolotninsky District of the Tomsk District, the lack of goods in cooperation created a mood among the population about the instability of money. Peasant shareholders, handing over their grain to a credit partnership, immediately buy agricultural machinery, even off‐season ones, declaring: ʺthat this money is unreliable.ʺ

In connection with the shortage of goods, dissatisfaction with the transition to a 7‐hour working day intensified: “And so there are no goods in the shops, but with a 7‐hour working day there will be no goods at all” (Minusinsk District). ʺA peasantʹs neck will endure, with a 7‐hour working day the shops will become empty immediately, but what will happen next?ʺ (Barabinsky district).

The agitation of the kulaks is intensifying: “If the peasants were organized into some kind of organization and unanimously said that we would not hand over grain to you for such a price, the workers would sit with their goods and die of hunger, then they would forget about 7 ‐hour working day ʺ(Barnaul district). In the Irkutsk district, there were three demonstrations of the well‐to‐do with agitation for the organization of peasant unions and associations for the sale of peasant products. A number of similar performances were noted by the middle peasants.

Re‐election of KKOV. Campaign progress. The campaign for the reelection of the KKOV proceeds with a reduced activity of the broad masses of the village, in view of its weak preparation. The percentage of population participation in pre‐election meetings does not exceed 30, and in a number of districts it is even lower (for example, in 19 villages of the Barnaul District ‐ 19.4%, in the Tomsk District the attendance of meetings does not exceed 25%). In a number of districts, due to the absence of voters, meetings were convened 2‐3 times (Tomsk, Irkutsk, Rubtsovsk, etc.). In some places, work with the poor was poor. In the Zyryansk district of the Tomsk district, out of 28 village councils, poor peasantsʹ meetings were convened only in 10 village soviets (12 to 22% of the poor participated). In the Rubtsovsky district, for example, the poor peasantsʹ meetings were not called at all. In the Biysk district, meetings of the poor are held without the participation of representatives of local organizations.

The weak work, and in some places the complete inactivity of the KKOV, caused a movement for the elimination of the KKOV in the election campaign among part of the middle peasants and the poor. ʺThis committee only harms the peasantry, and there is no benefit to the poor eitherʺ (middle peasant of the Tomsk district). “We do not need the committee at all and therefore it is not necessary to re‐elect it, but simply to dismiss it” (poor man of the Barnaul district). In the village. Kursk, Krivosheinsky district, Tomsk district, the general meeting of peasants decided to liquidate the KKOV.

The activity of the kulaks and the wealthy.  The activity of the kulaks and the well‐to‐do in this campaign mainly proceeds along the line of widespread agitation for the elimination of the KKOV. “We, the peasants, do not need such an organization, they force us, the peasants, to feed the idlers; they still took away bread in 1920 and are thinking of taking it again” (kulak, Barnaul district). The activity of three groups, which set themselves the goal of disrupting the organization and reelection of KKOV, was noted (in the Kuznetsk district ‐ one, Kamensky ‐ two).

Anti‐Soviet manifestations. Terror.  During the month of December, a significant decrease in the number of cases of terror is observed (16 versus 35, of which one murder). In 5 cases, the terror was directed against tax officials. The largest number of cases of terror falls on the Minusinsk and Tomsk districts.

Cross unions.  There were 15 cases of agitation for the creation of a cross union, of which 4 speeches took place at meetings (for the reelection of the KKOV, etc.). Speeches for the Constitutional Court are interesting, with references to the fact that this is being put forward by the opposition (Tulunovsky, Minusinsky, Barabinsky districts).

Anti‐Soviet groups.  In December, 6 kulak groups showed themselves, of which 4 spoke at the re‐elections of the KKOV and the cooperation. A group of kulaks der. Orsk (Novosibirsk District), using the shortcomings in the work of the local PO, led a wide campaign among shareholders for withdrawal from the cooperation, and as a result, 30 shareholders, together with this group, submitted an application for withdrawal; thanks to the measures taken by the party cell, the statements were withdrawn. The group is preparing for a new reelection of the Council. In the Omsk and Barnaul districts, two opposition groups from former members of the CPSU were noted (b> distributing opposition leaflets (Omsk) and conducting opposition work among the population and individual village communists.


Dissatisfaction with the lack of essential goods. In connection with the shortage of goods in a number of DCK districts (Vladivostok, Chita, Amur), there is discontent among all strata of the peasantry with the insufficient work of cooperative organizations. On this basis, the trade in smuggled manufactories increased. At a general meeting of peasants with. Marusino of the Khabarovsk District (Khabarovsk District) were shouts: “We need to close the cooperative and enroll in the cooperative of a Chinese private trader. He gives on credit and purely our peasant goods. ʺ Characteristic is the speech of the former red partisan‐poor man at the solemn meeting of the Popovsky village council of the Svobodninsky district (Amur district) with agitation for the restoration of private trade and the elimination of state trade, since “now that trade is in the hands of cooperation and state trade, all goods are expensive and, moreover, shops empty. Down with bureaucracy, trusts and syndicates,

Re‐election of KKOV.  In a number of districts (Khabarovsk, Zeisky), thanks to a weak preparatory campaign, the re‐elections of the KKOV were held with insufficient activity of the broad masses of the village. Along with this, in other districts (Sretensky, Vladivostok), the re‐elections revealed great activity of the poor, who organizedly defending the leadership in the cross committee against the attempts of the kulak‐wealthy stratum to disrupt the re‐elections and protests for the elimination of the KKOV.

In some villages of the Khabarovsk and Vladivostok districts, part of the poor and middle peasants refused to organize the KKOV. So, in the village. Goncharovka, Kalininsky District (Khabarovsk District), the population refused to organize KKOV, arguing that “we have no quacks, everyone works independently and no one needs help.” A similar case took place in the village. Ivanovich of the same area.

The kulaks and the well‐to‐do, blocking with the strong middle peasants, opposed the organization of the KKOV everywhere. In with. Tamga of the Kalinin district (Khabarovsk district), despite the fact that the poor stood for the organization of the KKOV, the kulaks, with the support of the middle peasants, managed to disrupt the reelections. In with. Aktoguchag Gas [imuro] ‐Zavodsky district (Sretensky district), due to the weak work of the village council and the party cell in organizing the poor, the well‐to‐do at the re‐election meeting by a majority vote decided to liquidate with a cross.

Sympathy of the former Red opposition partisans.  Among the former Red partisans, mostly former commanders of partisan detachments in the Amur and Sretensky districts, sympathetic opposition actions were still noted. In the mountains. Blagoveshchensk (Amur District), a group of former partisans (initiators of the creation of a ʺsociety of underground workers and participants in the partisan warʺ) convened a general meeting of former partisans to familiarize themselves with the issue of the opposition (this meeting did not take place due to the absence of the speaker). One of the meeting participants, a member of the CPSU (b), was instructed to ʺobtain permission from the meeting in the district committee of the CPSU (b) and send a good speaker on the opposition.ʺ In November, a number of cases of organizing ʺfamily eveningsʺ were recorded at the initiators and leaders of this group, where active partisans gathered and questions about the opposition were discussed, expressing sympathy for the opposition and criticizing the activities of the Central Committee. Similar demonstrations are noted among partisans in the Sretensky and Chita districts.

Agitation for the COP. Only 22 cases of campaigning for the organization of the Constitutional Court were registered (in November ‐ 6 cases), 15 of them in the Amur district. Vasilyevka of the Aleksandrovsky District (Amur District), the former chairman of the KKOV, a poor man, at a general meeting convened on the issue of organizing the KKOV, said: will protect our rights; then what price we set for bread will be so, if we want to pay less tax ‐ so it will be. This union will always defend our rights, as the unions are fighting for the rights of workers and employees, but only this union will be stronger than all unions, because the majority of the peasants. ʺ The well‐to‐do and part of the middle peasants began to enroll in this organization, but at the initiative of the local community, the meeting was disbanded.




Old city.  The mood of the artisans.  Under the influence and direct leadership of baysko‐huckster elements, who are essentially organizers of most artels and groups of handicraftsmen of old cities, in the mountains. At the end of December, handicraftsmen staged a demonstration in Khujand, appearing at the building of the regional executive committee, demanding the abolition of the established limit prices for their products. At a general meeting of handicraftsmen convened the next day, with the participation of up to 1,500 people, the speeches of representatives of Soviet and party organizations were greeted with exclamations of ʺdown with it, hit it,ʺ as a result of which the speakers were forced to scatter.

Along with this, there is discontent of a significant part of handicraftsmen with the dominance of traders and the lack of organizational and material assistance from the relevant organizations. At one of the meetings of the artisans of the mountains. Margelan, the active indignation of the handicraftsmen led to the fact that the speaker from the Kustpromsoyuz was forced to interrupt his report halfway. The meeting was disrupted. In the speeches of the handicraftsmen, it is pointed out that there is no clause on handicrafts in the CEC manifesto.

Kishlak.  Baystva activity in land management issues.  The seizure of land, water, semssud and the harvested harvest from dehkans endowed with the land reform continues to be noted. Along with the use of various kinds of means to intimidate farmers, bai practice beatings and murders. Three cases of the killing of “recalcitrant” poor people

(Bukhara district) were registered.

Preparations for the land reform in the Kashka‐Darya and SurkhanDarya districts caused a tremendous activity of the bays, Muslims and former emir officials, who were fully aware of the purposes of preliminary registration, despite the fact that they were not subject to publicity. This happened due to the littering of the commissions for rediscounting by supporters of the bayism. In this regard, bai resort to hiding their sites by various methods. There are also cases of surplus sales.

Abnormalities in the implementation of an industrialization loan. Along with the absence of a more or less broad explanatory campaign, the implementation of the industrialization loan is accompanied by a number of flagrant distortions: some speakers pointed out that the loan is mandatory and that the sale of property is necessary to purchase bonds (Gijduvan district of the Bukhara district). In most cases, in cotton districts, the loan is distributed through the cotton committee: when settling with the farmers, loan bonds were imposed for the cotton sold (Bukhara district). There have been cases when farmers, having paid money for a forcibly imposed bond, refused to receive it (Andijan District). As a result, the mass of the dekhkans are very unfriendly to the loan, anti‐Soviet elements are successfully campaigning against the campaign to distribute bonds (Khojent district).

Russian village.  Among the Russian peasantry in the Tashkent District, there is strong dissatisfaction with taxes, especially water taxes. There has been a case of mass refusal to accept notices of water tax contributions. The kulaks, using the discontent of the peasants, intensified the anti‐Soviet agitation against the manifesto of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR.

Basmachism.  The Nakir‐Mamatkul gang hiding in Kyrgyzstan, having split into two groups, moved to the Khojent and Kokand districts of Uzbekistan. One of the groups, in an attempt to attack the visiting session of the Khojent District Court, retreated after a clash with the police and, moving to Lyaylyak vol., Imposed a levy on the dekhkans of the Margun village of 1000 rubles. The second group robbed the villages of Jidalik and Yailmak in the Rishtan region, defeating the office of the Koshchi union.


Conscription of Turkmen youth into the army.  The campaign for the appeal of organized youth revealed the unpreparedness, and in some places the unreliability of the grassroots co‐apparatus. In a number of cases, representatives of aul councils and members of aul commissions warned farmers about the upcoming registration, advising them to take action. Employees of the village councils hid their conscripts for a bribe. Abnormalities in some collection points led to mass desertion (Kerkinsky district).

Anti‐Soviet elements ‐ bai, Muslims, merchants, etc., led intensified agitation against the draft, as a result of which ‐ the desire of farmers to be exempt from the draft, resettlement to Afghanistan, withdrawals from the Komsomol, etc. Among the recruits, including the Komsomol, there was not one who did not apply for release. Simulation was widely practiced. Facts are typical when those called up, refusing a medical examination, said: ʺIt is better to cut off my head, but I will not go to the armyʺ (Ashgabat region).

Activity of the Muslim Spirituality.  Along with energetic agitation together with the beast against the appeal of the Turkmen youth, representatives of the Muslim community are particularly active in matters of school construction. The widespread agitation of mullahs and ishans against Soviet schools caused the children to be recalled from schools by farmers (Takhta‐Bazar district). At the same time, the Muslim community incites the population against various measures of the Soviet regime, in particular, against the activities of the judiciary (Serakhsky district).

Land‐water relations.  A number of cases of land lease by dehkans allotted under land and water reform have been registered. The tenants are in most cases well‐to‐do middle peasants. At the same time, cases of return of land by dehkans endowed with the reform ‐ the former owners ‐ became more frequent. In turn, bayism, with the support of the Muslim clergy, intimidates the farmers, seeking the return of the plots alienated by the land reform. At the same time, among some of the large beys who suffered from the land reform, the tendency to emigrate to Afghanistan is growing.

Dissatisfaction with taxes.  The campaign to collect the water tax caused discontent among farmers in several districts. A case was registered when dehkans declared their decision not to pay tax in any way, or, otherwise, to move to Persia (Kaakhki region). Dissatisfaction with the underestimation of the consequences of natural disasters when imposing a water tax is especially often expressed.

Russian village.  In almost all border Russian settlements, there is strong discontent among the peasantry with taxes and other measures of the Soviet regime. The publication of the manifesto of the Central Election Commission caused lively judgments with indications that the interests of the peasantry were allegedly not met in it. On the basis of mass discontent, there is a tendency of the Russian population to resettle from Turkmenistan.

Basmachism.  Dzhunaidkhanʹs gang of up to 50 horsemen, having procured food and fodder in the region of Aji‐Kuya, moved towards the wells of Kolla‐Bai and Demla. Having singled out a group led by Shaltai‐batyr to capture horses and camels from the population, the group carried out a raid on the M alchi area of the Kara‐Kalpak region. (Kazakhstan), 60 camels, 30 horses were seized from farmers and 4 women were abducted. Further progress of the group has not been established. Dzhunaidʹs extortions, requisition and embezzlement from the civilian population greatly alarmed the population of the Chardzhui and Kerkinsky districts, simultaneously increasing the activity of the baystvo.


Political mood.  The defeatist and anti‐Soviet agitation and the spread of provocative rumors by the Bai‐Manap elements and representatives of the Muslim clergy are especially strong in the Chui canton. Among the urban population, there is discontent with long queues for bread and the crisis of consumer goods, in particular, manufactory.

Groupings.  In the Karakol canton, there are attempts by the BaiManap groups to unite for joint performances at the upcoming reelections of the Soviets. A similar trend is observed to varying degrees in all other cantons. In some cases, reconciliation between previously warring groups has taken place or is planned. At the same time, there is an intensification of the struggle between some groups, in places reaching such an extent that representatives of one group prohibit their children from attending schools located on the territory of a hostile group. As a result, schools are inactive (Alamedin Vol.).

Zemreform. The land reform carried out in southern Kyrgyzstan is accompanied by a number of organizational shortcomings, with the increased pressure of the Baysko‐Manap elements on the grassroots support groups (Jalal‐Abad, Osh cantons). At an accelerated pace, the practice of crushing land by bai, transfer of surplus for temporary use to farm laborers, sale of plots subject to alienation, etc. Representatives of the Muslim community, referring to the Koran, warn the population against obtaining bai lands, frightening with ʺdivine punishment.ʺ

The poor and farm laborers, despite the strong opposition of anti‐Soviet elements, are actively involved in carrying out the reform; there have been cases when the poor are expelled from the assemblies of beys who seek to disrupt the reform. The middle peasants, as a rule, support the reform.


Anti‐Soviet manifestations.  Kazakh population.  The defeatist agitation of the bays, aksakals, and the clergy was significantly reduced. There is an intensive preparation of the Baysko‐Aksakal groups for the upcoming re‐elections of the Soviets. For this purpose, illegal meetings are organized, at which the issues of gaining influence on the poor and the nomination of Bai candidates for village councils and VICs (Aktobe, Syr‐Darʹinskaya provinces) are discussed. After the defeat of the

Basmachi in the Khodjeyli district of the Kara‐Kalpak region. antiSoviet agitation of bays and traders is noted, striving in some cases to disrupt rallies dedicated to the fight against Basmachism.

Russian peasantry and Cossacks.  The anti‐Soviet agitation of the kulaks, former whites and chieftains in most cases is accompanied by attempts to discredit the manifesto of the Central Executive Committee with indications that ʺthe manifesto was issued only in the interests of the workers and to the detriment of the peasantry.ʺ Often, under the influence of kulak agitation, the middle peasants also actively criticize the manifesto (Akmola, Semipalatinsk, Ural provinces). At the same time, in a number of cases, the kulaks succeed in disrupting the work of local public organizations (Ural, Akmola, Aktobe provinces) through systematic agitation. In some cases, the anti‐Soviet agitation of the kulaks finds a response among the masses of the Russian peasantry, and especially the Cossacks, in view of the difficult material situation created as a result of crop failure (Dzhetysu province).

Allocation of the Russian Cossacks Voroshilov vol. Akmola u. in an independent Cossack volost was accompanied by speeches of the kulak‐ataman elements with slogans of the restoration of class advantages and the return of the old surplus land.

KKOV.  The re‐election of the cross committees was accompanied by a number of organizational shortcomings. Almost everywhere the kulaks carried out vigorous work to conquer the KKOV or to disrupt the campaign. In some places, the slogan of the kulaks, ʺDo you need a KKOV or not,ʺ was put to the vote by the rural communities and in isolated cases found the support of a significant part of the population (Akmola province).

The mood of the former red partisans.  Conference of Former Red Partisans of Bukhtarminsky U. Semipalatinsk province. revealed a positive mood of the overwhelming majority of the partisans. On the eve of the conference, during the celebration of the 10th anniversary of October, a number of partisans in groups applied for membership in the CPSU (b). Only in isolated cases was the discontent of the partisans or clearly anti‐Soviet demonstrations noted.

Campaign for registration of pre‐conscripts. Campaign for registration of pre‐conscripts among the Kazakh population of SyrDarya province. provoked opposition from the baystva and aksakals, who in a number of cases led a wide campaign for hiding the youth of pre‐conscription age. Agitating against accounting, bai and aksakals intimidate the population with the prospect of war. As a result, a lot of cases of shelter from registration were noted. In some cases, the BayskoAksakal groupings organized their secret meetings, passed resolutions in every possible way to oppose the campaign for registration, as a result of which the latter were forced to confine themselves only to drawing up acts, not keeping records. In one of such cases, the population, under the leadership of an influential bai‐grouper, was going to beat members of the commission with sticks (Kazalinsky u. Turtkul aul). As for the youth themselves, then she in most cases strives to undergo pre‐conscription training, and there are often cases when pre‐conscripts willingly indicate the actual age of their peers. The poor also show a positive attitude towards pre‐conscription training.

Similar opposition to the campaign to register pre‐conscripts is observed from the Ural Cossacks (Russians) living in the mountains. Kazalinsk.


Re‐election of KKOV in the Adygea‐Circassian region. The change in the timing of the campaign for the re‐election of rural and regional KKOVs in the Achao introduced some haste in the course of the campaign itself (the re‐elections scheduled for December 15, 1927 were subsequently postponed to December 1). The poor were invited to the pre‐election meetings by subpoenas and took an active part in the discussion of candidates for membership of the KKOV. In a number of cases, at pre‐election rallies, friction was noted between the poor and the middle peasants due to the fact that the latter were not invited to the meetings: “Why didn’t they send us summons? Are we not the same members of society as the poor? ʺ The kulak‐prosperous elements of the mountain aul and the Russian village led an intensified agitation for the appointment of their representatives to the new composition of the KKOV, urging at the same time to organize their list against the lists of the poor and the comrades. As a result of their activity, as well as the negligence of local public organizations in a number of cases at reelection meetings the lists of the poor are almost completely failed. It should be noted the speech of the former Red partisans at the preelection meeting of the poor, demanding the creation of a partisan union (Shturbino village).

Pasture disputes in Dagestan. In a number of regions of the DASSR inter‐settlement pasture disputes, which in some places are long ago, exacerbate relations between the population of individual villages and in some cases threaten to result in serious clashes (Andean District). Due to the inactivity and negligence of the land commissions, disputes remain unresolved, and pastures are used by a strong side, often with the patronage of local authorities (Kyurinsky Okrug). Noteworthy is the strong dissatisfaction of the population of the Achikulak district with the surrender of the local 030 winter pastures to Georgian sheep breeders, who, following the example of past years, behave extremely defiantly towards the local population: they do not comply with the established rules for driving livestock, cause damage to public plots, under the threat of weapons, they require peasants of edible products, etc.

Resettlement. Antagonism between immigrants and old‐timers.  The ongoing influx of immigrants from South Ossetia (Georgia) to the North (Zmeyskaya st. Of the Priterechny district) has exacerbated the land issue in the stanitsa. The decision of the Sudzemkomissia on the allocation of land to the settlers causes strong discontent among the population of the village (Cossacks). On this basis, national relations between the settlers (Ossetians) and the Cossacks (Russians) intensified. The unhealthy situation in the village gives rise to a number of dissatisfaction with both local authorities and the Soviet government as a whole. In the same district, the majority of the population of mountain villages expresses a desire to move from the mountains to the flat, provided they settle within Ossetia, despite the opportunity given to them to move to the Tersk district, where the Ossetians have been assigned land

In Dagestan, among the Russian population of the Achikulak district, there is a desire to resettle in the Tersk district, caused by circulating rumors about the impending eviction of all Russians from the Achikulak district.

The activities of the Muslim clergy in Chechnya. Throughout the region, there is a revival of the activity of the Muslim clergy, mainly due to the upcoming re‐elections of the Soviets. In order to prepare public opinion for a change in the current composition of the Soviet apparatus, the Muslim clergy, with the help of the kulaks, is already campaigning against the election of party members to the Soviets. In a number of districts, and especially in the mountainous zone, there is an aspiration of the Muslim religion (mainly mullahs) to study the Latin script and the Russian language, caused by the fear of lagging behind the cultural growth of the masses. Along with this, representatives of the Muslim community continue to wage a campaign against certain measures of the Soviet government, especially against Soviet schools. Noteworthy is the activity of the murids of the Ali‐Mitaev community, whose leaders are campaigning for the provision of material assistance to the family of Ali Mitaev. In the Shali district, a collection of money in the amount of 3 rubles has already begun.



The mood of the population in connection with the grain crisis.  In a number of regions, there is a severe shortage of food, mainly bread. In some places there is no bread on the market, and prices for it have risen. In this regard, the cooperatives have long queues for bread, and this phenomenon in most cases is interpreted by the population as a sign of an impending war. Along with this, all sorts of provocative rumors are spread among the population. ʺIn some places the population is literally starving (Zugdidi and

Tiflis districts). The situation is especially difficult for the poor. There was a case when the conductor and steam locomotive brigades of st. Zestafoni Shorapansky due to lack of bread they refused to go to work. Among the urban population, there is discontent with the local authorities for their inability to establish a normal supply of bread and eliminate queues.

State insurance.  Discontent of peasants with state insurance continues to be noted. In a number of areas, the poor and middle peasants refuse to accept summons and pay insurance premiums. This is largely facilitated by the intensified agitation of the kulaks and other antiSoviet elements against insurance. Cases of breaking the insurance campaign among the population (Shorapan and Kutaisi districts) were recorded. In isolated cases, as a result of the actions of the kulaks, there is a massive refusal of the peasants from insurance (Kutaisi and Gori districts).


Anti‐Soviet         manifestations.  Continuing        to            use         the          alarming sentiments created as a result of the aggravation of the international situation in the USSR, the kulaks, merchants and other anti‐Soviet elements are working hard to spread provocative rumors. There have been cases of increased purchases of gold, carpets and other valuables from the kulak and prosperous peasantry (Zangezur district).

In public speeches, anti‐Soviet elements try to sow distrust of the peasantry in the CEC manifesto, speaking of the falsity of the manifestoʹs clause on amnesty, taxes, etc. (Erivansky district).

According to belated data, during the celebration of the 10th anniversary of the October Revolution, there was a strong activity of the most hostile elements. There have been cases of convening secret meetings with the participation of kulaks, former landowners and, in some cases, teachers, and at these meetings resolutions were passed on measures to disrupt the holiday (Erivansky district). Cases of disruption and destruction of anniversary slogans (Lori‐Bambakskiy), attempts to distribute anti‐Soviet leaflets (Erivanskiy district), etc. have been noted. A case was registered when, as a result of the spread of provocative rumors, part of the peasants left the rally (Erivan district).

Activity of the former Dashnaks.  Along with anti‐Soviet agitation, in connection with the publication of the CEC manifesto and the celebration of the [10th anniversary] of the October Revolution, former Dashnaks in a number of villages are systematically working to disrupt the events of the Soviet government, promoting the ideas of the Dashnak party and inciting antagonism between Armenians and Turks. A number of secret meetings of former Dashnaks were noted, and at one of such meetings, timed to coincide with the day of November 7, toasts were proclaimed to the Dashnak government, and the participants of the meeting, having appeared at the meeting, tried to disrupt it (Erivansky district).


Anti‐Soviet agitation and the activity of the kulaks.  Along with antiSoviet agitation, the kulaks do not stop working to disrupt certain measures of the Soviet government. Kulaks are especially active in identifying objects of taxation and in matters of land management. Providing increased resistance to land management work, seizing land and water from the poor, the kulaks continue to use the method of intimidating the poor with the prospect of war and the death of Soviet power. In some places, the actions of the kulaks find support from the poor and middle peasants. At the same time, the kulaks agitate against cooperative and school construction, trying by all means to disrupt the organization of cooperatives and schools (Nukhinsky and Shemakhinsky districts). A case of killing a farm laborer with his fists was registered (Baku district).

Banditry.  The activity of foreign landscapes is still noted, operating mainly on the territory of Karyaginsky, Salyan and Kurdistan counties. The most active gangs were: Kabila Kasum oglu in the Kurdistan Region, Shuaya Tair oglu in the Zakatala district. and Hasan Isa oglu in Lankaran district, who carried out a number of raids on settlements with the aim of capturing livestock. A group of the Khan Ali Bakhshi oglu gang was liquidated, which crossed into our territory, under the command of Khanlar Hasan oglu, who was killed during the shootout.


Re‐election of KKOV.  On the whole, the cross‐committee re‐election campaign is proceeding satisfactorily. However, there is also an intensified opposition of wealthy kulak elements. As a result of the pressure of the kulaks, three cases of liquidation of the KKOV by the peasants (Simferopol, Kerch regions) and individual disruptions of reelection meetings (Evpatoria region) were recorded.

Anti‐Semitism.  Cases of anti‐Semitism have increased. Anti‐Soviet agitation contributes to the growth of anti‐Semitic sentiments. In some cases, anti‐Soviet agitation is accompanied by indications of the ʺdominance of the Jewsʺ in the Soviet apparatus. On one of the streets of the mountains. Simferopol was scattered about 50 pieces of notes with the inscriptions ʺDeath to the Jews, death to all.ʺ

Anti‐Semitic sentiments also exist among representatives of the rural intelligentsia.

Agitation for the COP.  In December, 10 cases of campaigning for the Constitutional Court were registered, 60% of all speeches took place at meetings. A significant part of the speeches for the Constitutional Court are accompanied by references to the manifesto of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR, which allegedly gives exclusive privileges to the workers, and ʺthe lack of sufficient attention to the needs of the peasants is explained by the disorganization of the peasantry.ʺ



Grain procurement.  The grain procurement campaign in Bashkiria is proceeding very weakly, which is explained by partial crop failure, poor supply of the village with manufactured goods, lack of contact in the work of state procurement organizations and the influence of a private owner. A slight increase in procurement prices causes complaints from the middle peasants and the poor, who have already sold grain. ʺFixed prices exist only for the poor, and for the kulaks, prices rise.ʺ The well‐to‐do kulak elements, spreading rumors about war, about famine, holding back grain surpluses and agitating for the non‐export of grain, offer considerable opposition to the campaign.


Re‐election of KKOV.  During the campaign for the re‐election of the KKOV, a passive attitude of the peasants was noted, due to the poor preparation of local public organizations. In some places, re‐elections were held with 10‐15% of participants (Bashkiria). Some chairmen of the KKOV do not even report to the members, confining themselves to a statement that they had no work done (Chuvashia). The well‐to‐do kulak elements were very active in trying to disrupt the campaign. Along with intensified agitation against KKOV, kulaks and wealthy people spoke out at re‐election meetings against the lists of the poor, seeking to hold their candidatures in KKOV (Chuvashia). A number of cases of failure by the kulaks and the well‐to‐do of the decisions of the poor on the organization of KKOV (Bashkiria ‐ Birsk region, Chuvashia ‐ Ibresinsky, Cheboksary region) were registered.


The activity of the kulaks. Simultaneously with the revitalization of the kulaks, in connection with the campaign for the re‐election of the cross committees, there is an intensified opposition of the wealthy kulak elements of the tax campaign, land management, anti‐Soviet and defeatist agitation and terrorism of the communists and village activists. In Sterlitamak district (Bashkiria), a group of kulaks killed the chairman of the Karayarsk village council ‐ a member of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, a former employee of the ChekaOGPU. In the hut. Novo‐Pokrovsky (Bashkiria, Zilairsky district), a local kulak tried to kill a member of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, a former employee of the Cheka‐OGPU. Along with this, the kulaks take an active part in the daily life of the village, conducting intensified agitation against the cooperatives and other public organizations, trying to disintegrate such. In the village. M. Bolgoyarsh fists destroyed a reading room at night (Tataria, Buinsky canton). In Chuvashia, a number of villages in the Krasno‐Chetaevsky region, under pressure from the kulaks, categorically refused to create seed funds. In Tataria, three cases of agitation by kulaks for the creation of the Constitutional Court were registered (Chistopol canton, Kazan [and] Prigorodny districts).


Spiritualism. The Muslim Spiritualists are vigorously campaigning for the opening of theological schools, the construction of new mosques and the renovation of old ones. Mullahs of the Buinsky canton, agitating among the population about the need to open religious schools, note that only now, ʺwhen England presses, it is possible to obtain the appropriate permission.ʺ In parallel with this, agitation is being conducted against Soviet schools. In the village. Tainetkino, under the influence of the agitation of the mullahs and kulaks, the peasants forcibly seized part of the school under the mosque. In the Chistopol canton, under the influence of the mullahs and with the support of the kulaks, 6 mosques were built with funds raised from the population and the construction of 5 more began. Representatives of the Muslim community are also campaigning against public organizations (cooperatives, KKOV, etc.).


Political mood.  In various strata of the peasantry, there is dissatisfaction with the lack of consumer goods, excessive taxation and the discrepancy between the prices of urban goods and agricultural products (Buryat‐Mongolia). The shortage of necessary goods is associated by the population with an allegedly impending war, rumors about which are provoked and deliberately spread by the kulaks and the wealthy, in some cases resorting to methods of terrorizing the poor (Oirotia). Among the wealthy and part of the middle peasants (both Russians and Khakass), there is discontent, caused mainly by the excessive, in the opinion of the peasants, taxation. There is also discontent among the peasants and the cooperatives, which do not have time to supply daily necessities (Khakass District).

CCOV re‐election campaign.  The campaign for the re‐election of the KKOV was almost everywhere accompanied by great opposition from the kulaks. Insufficient attention to re‐elections on the part of local Soviet and party organizations is noted. Some of the peasants, under the influence of the agitation of the kulaks, who were actively disrupting the re‐election campaign, show a passive attitude towards the re‐election of the KKOV. Cases were noted when, at elective meetings, the proposals of the kulak‐wealthy part to liquidate the crosscommittees as unnecessary organizations found support from the poor and middle peasant masses of the population.

Insurance.  The collection of insurance premiums is weak almost everywhere. In some places, the income barely reaches 10% of the total (Buryat‐Mongolia). The reason for the slow receipt of payments is the untimely notification of the population about the timing of payments and the lack of an appropriate explanatory campaign, as a result of which the population views insurance as an additional tax. In addition, the kulak and prosperous element is conducting intensified campaigning against insurance, which has partial success, since the kulaks use in their campaign the shortcomings in the work of the insurance bodies.


Banditry.  The leaders of the bandit movement Artemyev, Rakhmatullin, Kirillov and others created the so‐called ʺYoung‐Yakut Soviet Socialist Confederalist Partyʺ headed by the Central Committee, and also organized the headquarters of the combat areas. Due to the fact that the movement did not take the size expected by the bandits, the leaders of the movement sent a bandit Yakovlev with the mandate of the ʺHeadquarters of the Western Combat Sectorʺ to the YTSIK, who handed the party program to the YTsIK and verbally conveyed the order demanding amnesty. The YCIK rejected all the demands of the bandits, recognized the program of the aforementioned party as counter‐revolutionary, and invited all the rebels to lay down their arms. In individual regions, the movement of banditry is drawn in the following form. In the Yakutsk region, gangs with a total number of 180‐200 people that have moved from the Amginsky region to the Lena, after unsuccessful attempts to gain a foothold at the mouth of the river. Batoms, retreated to the western part of the Mytatsky nasleg.

Here, in the area of Bora, a main headquarters was established, which tried to negotiate with the government. At the same time, the bandits were campaigning among the population of the Vilyui District for joining the rebels. Failed attempts to negotiate with the government and draw the population into the bandit movement forced the bandits to move back to the northern districts. At the end of December 1927, the bandits set out in two directions, moreover, the main part of the gang of 150 people under the command of Artemyev set itself the goal of bypassing Yakutsk from the north side, and the RakhmatullinMikhailov gangs, including 50 people, left in the direction of Pokrovsk. Artemievʹs group when trying to cross the river. Desna was pushed aside by our detachments towards the Vilyui district. The Rakhmatullin‐Mikhailov gang was overtaken by our detachment on December 24 of this year and, as a result of the battle, fled in disorder, suffering losses: 7 bandits were killed, the leader of the gang, Rakhmatullin, was wounded, 14 horses were seized, staff correspondence, etc. In the Nelkan region on December 4 of this year. after a 3‐hour battle, Popovʹs gangs, including 30 people, were repulsed, from whom 8 prisoners were captured, 15 rifled guns, 3000 cartridges, 8 horses, a large supply of food, furs and various goods. From the side of the bandits two people were killed, from our side two were killed and 5 were wounded. It should be noted that the gang in Nelkan announced to the population ʺabout the transfer of military and civilian power to the Amga‐Aldan headquarters of antiSoviet troops.ʺ

As a result of the fight against banditry, one of the ideological inspirers of the movement, the Xenophons, voluntarily appeared and the leader of one of the gangs, the Atlases, was captured.

It should be noted that the agents of Yakuttorg and the Holbos Union of Cooperators provided great support to the gang‐vision, who not only called on the population to join the gangs, saying that ʺthe USSR declared war on Yakutia,ʺ but also supplied the gangs with everything they needed, including foreign weapons. sample. In the rest of Yakutia, in the mountains. In Krasnoyarsk, the Uyarsk District and the Kuznetsk District, there is an increase in robberies due to the influx of criminals released under the amnesty.


Mensheviks.  Recently, in a number of places in the Union, the distribution of Menshevik leaflets addressed to ʺall workers of the Soviet Unionʺ signed by the ʺCentral Committee of the RSDLPʺ has been discovered. Leaflets indicate that in the internal party struggle ʺthe death throes of the entire system of the communist dictatorship and at the same time a great mystery about the state system that will replace itʺ were revealed. At the same time, the Mensheviks call on the working class to put forward political demands in the spirit of the RSDLP program in order to ʺprevent a Bonapartist coup and establish the democratic rule of the working people.ʺ

The issuance of these leaflets should be considered as the first manifestation of the Mensheviksʹ activity with the aim of using the internal party struggle in the CPSU (b) in the interests of their party.

Many Mensheviks, especially those in exile, come to the conclusion that the time has come for active Party (Menshevik) work.

Anarchists.  The underground group of anarchists was liquidated, which issued in November 1927 a leaflet with the address ʺWorkers of the Worldʺ signed by the ʺPetersburg Group of Anarchistsʺ and intended to issue by January 1, 1928, 300 pieces of anarchist leaflets on behalf of the ʺNorthern Federation of Anarchistsʺ.

Clandestine work is still under way to create and strengthen underground anarchogroups and circles. Ties with foreign countries are being strengthened and strengthened (Ukraine, Moscow province).


Reactionary clergy.  A certain increase in religious sentiments has recently been reviving all believers and clergy. The latter, in this regard, strive to identify new forms and revitalize their church community.

So, in recent years, meetings of groups of intellectuals (professors, etc.) and activists of church leaders have been organized, at which questions of the attitude of the church to Soviet power are discussed. With the aim of uniting the laity, meetings of exclusively laity are organized with the organization of the so‐called ʺfraternal teasʺ. The same goal is pursued by the gatherings of classmate priests. To attract more women, the priests are beginning to release special female preachers who lead sermon‐talks.

Not limiting themselves to this activity, the priests are engaged in criticizing the behavior of the Soviet government in relation to religion and the church, as well as direct anti‐Soviet activities.

In his sermon, one priest said that ʺthe five‐year plans being developed now do not provide for the religious needs of the people,ʺ in another case it was said: ʺDebauchery is imposed by modern rulers,ʺ etc.

The clergy have resorted to the massive distribution (to clubs and factories in Moscow) of typewritten appeals aimed at defending the Orthodox Church and Orthodoxy in general from the alleged persecution of the Soviet regime. In Moscow and the Kuban, the following are also distributed: extracts from foreign newspapers about the need to continue the struggle of the church against the Soviet state; an appeal against Metropolitan Sergius in connection with his alleged concessions to the Soviet government (circulated in Moscow and Voronezh); a document of the Moscow mystical‐monarchist group of name‐worshipers accusing the church of treason to Orthodoxy (Moscow and Novorossiysk); finally, the message of the exiled Bishop Zelentsov, in which he declares the right of every believer to counterrevolutionary work and speaks in defense of martyrdom.

Reactionary clergymen continue to carry on anti‐Soviet agitation, and, in addition to their earlier use of issues of the international situation of the USSR, clergymen use the commemoration of power introduced by Metropolitan Sergius during divine services, refusing in some cases from commemoration, since ʺyou cannot remember bandits and robbers.ʺ The most Black‐Hundred churchmen tell the population: ʺLet us, Orthodox peasants, fight our enemies (Soviet power).ʺ Cases of agitation against cultural work in the countryside, etc., continue to be noted.

The clergy continue to approve of the opposition in the expectation that it ʺmust rely on the intelligentsia and clergy.ʺ

In addition to agitation, the anti‐Soviet activities of the reactionary clergy are expressed in the organization of special anti‐Soviet groups. In Leningrad, such a group has the following program: the transition of the church to the position of an active anti‐Soviet force, resistance to Soviet laws, etc. There are similar groups in the North Caucasus, Ukraine, Veliky Ustyug and Glazov.

Attempts on the part of Metropolitan Sergius to subordinate the Orthodox clergy abroad to his influence are noted. However, so far only Japan and Lithuania have recognized it.

In connection with the opposition of the Starotikhon ultra‐right elements to Metropolitan Sergius and his supporters, the position of the All‐Russian Central Council began to strengthen. At the congress of the All‐Russian Central Council (600 people) that took place in Moscow, an irreconcilable attitude towards Sergius was revealed (whole parishes are beginning to go over to the side of the All‐Russian Central Council).


Centre. There is an increase in the activity of small‐scale banditry, explained by the release of repeat offenders‐criminals from places of detention under amnesty. Of the crimes committed, it should be noted: 1) the robbery of the cash desk of the Rastyapino platform of the Moscow‐Kursk railway, where the wires were cut and the telegraph was broken; 2) robbery of the accountant of the experimental station Mokhovoe (Novosilskiy) in the amount of 3124 rubles. Of the organized registration gangs, gangs have emerged actively: a gang led by Marynochev, which carried out a number of robberies in Ostrogozhskoye. Voronezh province, and the Black Raven gang, which raided a private apartment in the Verigovka settlement of Valuisky u. By the measures taken, Lobovʹs criminal gang, which operated in Bobrovsky district, was liquidated. In total, 12 gangs were counted in the district ‐ 63 people.

West. The gang of Shavolin continues to operate, revealing itself with armed robberies of peasants in the area of Demidovo, Prigorodnaya Volost. Smolensk lips. In addition, in all districts the activity of criminal unaccounted banditry is manifested, from separate statements of which it should be noted the robbery of mail in the mountains. Kalinkovichi in the amount of 700 rubles. In total, 4 gangs of 18 people were counted in the district.

Ukraine. There is an increase in the activity of organized bandit groups of Zayts‐Stupak in the Chernigov district, Levadny and Vashchenko in Glukhovsky and Litvinchuk‐Korostensky, where these gangs carried out a number of armed robberies, accompanied in some cases by murders and arson. Unrecorded banditry continues to reveal itself as petty robberies. From individual speeches it should be noted: 1) the raid of the Zayts‐Stupak gang on the village. Tamarovka, where two peasants were killed; 2) the raid of the same gang on the village. Petrushi, where an agricultural partnership and a cooperative were robbed; 3) arson committed by the Vaschenko gang in the village. Cliché and S. Chepaevka, where the fire destroyed 13 yards. The general movement of banditry and other types of crime in the month of November is characterized as follows: in just December, the following was committed:

Losses caused by criminals are expressed in the amount of 682,673 rubles. By the measures taken, 10 gangs of 128 people were liquidated. Discovered stolen property in the amount of 148,788 rubles. In total, 13 gangs were counted in the district ‐ 66 people.

Volga region.  The activity of small‐criminal banditry in the territory of the Astrakhan province increased somewhat. and Votskaya

Autonomous Region. Of the individual manifestations of criminality, it should be noted the theft of the cash register from the Obermonzhsky village council (Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of the Volga Germans), in which, in addition to money, secret documents were kept. Of the groupings taken into account, noteworthy is the gang operating in the Izhevsk district of the Votsk region, where it has carried out a number of robberies on the roads in a relatively short period of time. A total of 14 gangs of 84 people were counted in the district.

Ural.  There is a slight increase in criminal banditry at the expense of those released under the amnesty from prison. There are 5 gangs of 30 people in the region.

Deputy prev. OGPU Yagoda

For the head of the SOU Head of INFO OGPU