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4. The Soviet Union was a mighty force in the struggle against US imperialist aggression after World War II
The Soviet policy of peace and friendship of peoples, carried out in the Pacific Ocean, is inextricably linked with the entire Stalinist foreign policy of the Soviet state. Its invariable goal is to create friendly relations with all peoples on the basis of complete equality and economic and cultural cooperation. In his report on the work of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks to the XIX Congress of the Party, comrade. Malenkov emphasized: "The main line of the party in the field of foreign policy has been and remains the policy of peace between peoples and ensuring the security of our socialist Motherland" (1). Therefore, the imperialist aggression of the United States that unfolded after the Second World War, inspired, and led by the American financial oligarchy, pursuing the delusional goal of creating a world slave-owning empire, met, and is encountering decisive opposition from the Soviet country.
The Soviet Union rendered every possible moral support to the just struggle of the peoples for national independence and democratic development. This support was given to the Chinese and other peoples fighting against imperialist aggression. The Soviet Union has stubbornly fought and is fighting for the demilitarization and democratization of Japan, against the preservation and revival of Japanese militarism and the transformation of Japan into a colony of American imperialism. The Soviet Union provides extensive economic and cultural assistance to the Mongolian People's Republic, the Chinese People's Republic and the Korean People's Democratic Republic in accordance with the allied treaties and agreements.
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Defending the interests of the Chinese and also the French peoples, the Soviet government achieved the inclusion of China and France among the great powers along with the Soviet Union, the USA and England. Thanks to the Soviet Union, the Chinese people have taken their rightful place in the family of peoples. The state, which had been a semi-colonial country for a century, acquired the rights of a great power and became a permanent member of the Security Council along with the other four great powers (2) .
Thanks to the perseverance of the Soviet government, a meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, the USA and Britain in Moscow in December 1945 approved the decision on China.
Soviet government after the defeat of Japan withdrew Soviet troops from Manchuria (by May 3, 1946). The American troops, who were thrown into China after the end of hostilities and after the surrender of Japan, not only were not evacuated, but they supported the Kuomintang clique in the civil war against the democratic forces of China.
The Soviet Union persistently sought to stop the aggression of US imperialism against the Chinese people. First of all, the Soviet government demanded the withdrawal of American troops from China. The enormous significance of the withdrawal of all American troops from China for the cause of peace was emphasized by Comrade Stalin in his replies to the English correspondent Alexander Werth in September 1946.
Representatives of the Soviet Union repeatedly raised the question of the evacuation of American interventionist troops from China. V. M. Molotov in the fall of 1946 at a meeting of Committee No. 1 of the United Nations General Assembly stated: “... remaining of American troops clearly complicates China's internal development, intensifying the split within the country and creating a kind of external situation for the Republic of China. As long as American troops are in China, this issue will not be able to leave the order of the day, acquiring ever greater international significance” (3).
In the spring of 1947, at a session of the Council of Foreign Ministers, USSR Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov proposed that the US and British ministers exchange information on the question of how the decisions on China, adopted in 1945, are being implemented. Representatives of American and British imperialism rejected the proposal of the USSR.
The struggle for peace against the imperialist aggression waged day by day by the democratic camp led by the Soviet Union made it difficult to concentrate the black forces of reaction against the Chinese people. This created favorable conditions for the successful struggle of China's internal revolutionary forces.
The leader of the Chinese people Mao Tse-tung, describing the importance of the assistance of the democratic forces of the world to the liberation struggle of the Chinese people, wrote:
“If the Soviet Union had not existed, if there had not been a victory in the anti-fascist World War II, if—which is especially important for us—Japanese imperialism had not been crushed, if the new democracies had not appeared in Europe, if there had not been an intensifying struggle oppressed countries of the East, if it were not for the struggle of the popular masses in the United States, England, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and other capitalist countries against the ruling reactionary clique, if it were not for all these factors, then the pressure of the international reactionary forces, of course, would be much stronger than now. How could we win under such circumstances? Of course we could not." 1.
Having established diplomatic relations with the new democratic power in Asia immediately after the formation of the People's Republic of China, the Soviet Union demanded the expulsion of the Kuomintang from the United Nations and their replacement by representatives of the People's Republic of China. The Chinese people deprived the Kuomintang usurpers of any authority whatsoever. The Soviet Union therefore strongly supported the statement of the government of the People's Republic of China that the Kuomintang representatives in the United Nations were impostors and had no right to speak on behalf of China.
Since the aggressor core of the United Nations, led by American imperialism, came out in defense of the Kuomintang impostors, the representatives of the USSR and the people's democracies, expressing their strong protest against the illegal actions of the imperialist bloc, temporarily refused to participate in the meetings of the Security Council and UN bodies, which were attended by representatives of the Kuomintang clicks.
The Soviet Union and the people's democracies also declared that the decisions taken at such meetings would not be recognized by them as having legal force. August 4, 1950, the representative of the Soviet Union Ya. A. Malik again took his place in the Security Council as the next chairman of the Council. Representatives of the Soviet Union and the people's democracies in the United Nations continued to push for the expulsion of the Kuomintang and the admission of legitimate representatives of the Chinese people in their place.
The policy of Soviet-Chinese friendship was marked in February 1950 by an event of great historical significance - the signing in Moscow between the USSR and China of a treaty of friendship, alliance, and mutual assistance. This treaty, JV Stalin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, and Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central People's Government of China, took part in preparation, marks the beginning of a new era in Sino-Soviet relations. It not only meets the fundamental interests of the Soviet and Chinese peoples, but by strengthening the position of the camp of peace throughout the world, signifies a great victory for the democratic forces. As a result of the conclusion of this historic treaty, the Soviet-Chinese treaty of 1945 was annulled by mutual agreement as outdated and not meeting the new conditions. The friendship of the Soviet and Chinese peoples is an invincible force resisting aggression.
The USSR and China agreed on the broad implementation of economic and cultural cooperation. Provision by the Soviet Union of a long-term economic credit to China in the amount of 300 million US dollars. dollars on especially favorable terms (out of 1% per annum), the transfer by the Soviet Union to the People's Republic of China of all rights to the joint management of the Changchun railway and all property of the railway no later than the end of 1952, an agreement on the withdrawal by the same time of Soviet troops from Port Arthur and the return of this naval base to China showed how the Soviet Union is actually pursuing a policy of disinterested friendship and assistance to other peoples.
In the coming months after the signing of the Soviet-Chinese Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance, the Soviet Union and China entered into special economic agreements. Then a trade agreement was signed, and in March 1951, an agreement on direct rail communication between the USSR and China.
These agreements, like other practical measures, put into practice the general program outlined by the treaty for the all-round development of economic and cultural ties between the Soviet Union and China.
During the first year after the conclusion of the treaty, the Soviet government, following the spirit of fraternal attitude towards the Chinese people, donated to China the former military camp in Beijing, as well as property acquired by Soviet economic organizations from Japanese owners in Manchuria. In the city of Dalny, 16 plants, 3 factories, 206 residential buildings were transferred, and in other cities of Manchuria - 21 plants, 4 factories, 157 residential buildings, 11 cinemas and a number of other enterprises and buildings.
The report published on February 10, 1951, about the transfer of these enterprises and property by the Soviet Union to the People's Republic of China, aroused among the Chinese a new wave of friendly feelings towards the Soviet people.
One of the numerous letters of the Chinese workers, published in the Renminzhibao newspaper, says:
“The factories and enterprises transferred to us by the Soviet government were established by the Soviet comrades, advanced production methods were introduced to them. This will play a major role in the further development of our industry. We are very grateful to the Soviet government for the friendly help” (5) .
Greater is the importance of the technical assistance rendered to China by Soviet specialists in restoring and developing industry, transport, and the entire economy of the country. Emphasizing the significance of the Soviet-Chinese treaty of friendship, alliance and mutual assistance, the Chinese press and statesmen also note the very important role of Soviet engineers, technicians and other specialists in the successful development of the national economy of the republic.
Giving a general assessment of the results of Soviet-Chinese economic cooperation on the first anniversary of the existence of the republic, the Xinhua news agency stated: provided by Soviet specialists. They pass on to China all the experience they have accumulated over 30 years” (6) .
Thanks to the use of Soviet methods of production with the direct assistance of Soviet specialists, a number of the largest enterprises in Manchuria and other regions of China far exceeded the production indicators of these enterprises under the Japanese and Kuomintang. Among them are the Anshan and Tianjin steel mills, many coal mines, and railways.
In a telegram addressed to Comrade Stalin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on the occasion of the first anniversary of the signing of the treaty, Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China, wrote:"The signing of the Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance between China and the in building a new China, but also a powerful guarantee in the fight against aggression and for the preservation of peace and security in the Far East and throughout the world” (7) .
During the negotiations between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China, which were conducted in September 1952, agreements were reached that marked a new stage in the strengthening and development of friendship and cooperation between the USSR and China in the preservation and strengthening of peace and international security.
The Soviet Union and China decided to form a Soviet-Chinese commission, which should transfer the Chinese Changchun railway to the People's Republic of China no later than December 31, 1952, in connection with which a joint Soviet-Chinese communiqué on the Chinese Changchun road was published.
At the same time, an agreement was signed to extend the period of joint use by the Soviet Union and China of the Chinese naval base of Port Arthur. Since in the Far East, as a result of the conclusion by Japan of a separate treaty with the United States and a number of other imperialist countries, conditions dangerous for peace and favorable for a repetition of Japanese aggression have been created, and a completely new situation has developed, the government of the People's Republic of China considered it necessary to turn to the Soviet Union in order to strengthen peace and security. with a proposal to extend the joint use of the naval base of Port Arthur. The note of the Premier of the State Administrative Council and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, Chou En-lai, addressed to the Soviet government stated: "...(8) .
The Soviet government, faithful to the policy of strengthening peace and security, accepted the proposal of the Chinese government, and informed it about it in a note in response.
In his farewell speech delivered upon leaving Moscow after the conclusion of the agreement, Chou En-lai said: “We deeply believe that the great unbreakable friendship between China and the Soviet Union will expand not only from day to day, but from generation to generation. . There is no doubt that any provocation and any attempt to destroy this great friendship will be defeated by the combined forces of the peoples of China and the Soviet Union.”
The strengthening of friendly ties between the Soviet country and People's Democratic China is in the interests of all peace-loving peoples, for this friendship is a firm pillar of peace in the Far East and throughout the world.
The Soviet and Chinese people resolutely opposed the bloody American aggression in Korea that began in the summer of 1950. This aggression was accompanied by unheard-of brutalities and atrocities aimed at destroying the freedom-loving Korean people. The American aggressors also pursued the goal of creating a springboard for attacking the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. Moreover, at the same time as the invasion of Korea, the American invaders stepped up their military aggression against China by occupying Taiwan and carrying out air raids on Chinese territory. Naturally, the Chinese people could not remain inactive in the face of this predatory aggression of American imperialism directed against their vital interests.
When, in 1950, MacArthur's hordes began to approach the 38th parallel, which before the beginning of the American adventure served as the border between enslaved South and free North Korea, when US military aircraft began to raid Chinese territory, representatives of the Chinese people warned the invaders that the Chinese people, just freed from the yoke of American imperialism, will not allow a new threat to its borders. Korea borders China for 500 km. It was Korea that was used in the past by the Japanese imperialists as a base for invading China and seizing its territory. The Premier and Foreign Minister of the People's Republic of China, Chou En-lai, declared that "the Chinese people will by no means tolerate foreign aggression and cannot be indifferent to the fate of their neighbors who have been subjected to aggression by the imperialists."
Chinese volunteers came to the aid of the struggling Korean people, at the same time aiming to ensure peace and security for their homeland. A joint statement issued by China's political parties led by the Communist Party on November 4, 1950 stated: “The Chinese people, not only because of their moral duty, should help the Korean people in their struggle against America. Assistance to Korea is also in the interests of the entire Chinese people and is motivated by the need for self-defense. To save your neighbor is to save yourself” (9) .
The Korean People's Army and the Chinese volunteers dealt crushing blows to the American aggressors. Then the rulers of the United States, with one hand signing statements that they do not intend to violate the borders of China, with the other signed orders to continue American air raids on the cities and villages of Northeast China, to occupy Taiwan by the American armed forces, to prohibit the export of goods to Hong Kong, thus reinforcing the blockade of China.
The representative of the People's Republic of China, Wu Xiuquan, in his speech, transmitted in December 1950 for the press, stated that those who verbally give reassuring assurances, but in reality, carry out aggression, consider the Chinese idiots, believing that they will believe such false reassurance and calm down.
In this speech, as well as in a speech at a meeting of the Security Council on November 28, 1950, the delegate of China pilloried the American aggressors, exposing their hypocritical propaganda, showing their bloody deeds. In all its ugliness, the vile predatory policy of American imperialism was shown in the speeches of the representative of the Soviet Union, A. Ya. Vyshinsky. The Soviet Union submitted to the discussion of the Security Council and the UN Assembly in 1950 the question: "Protest of the USSR against the US aggression against China."
With its "voting machine" in motion, US imperialism rejected the peace proposals of the Soviet Union and China. But the camp of peace and democracy, as a result of the full exposure of American aggression, won an impressive moral victory. The successes of the Korean people's troops and the Chinese volunteers at the end of 1950 strengthened the democratic camp, rallied and further encouraged all the supporters of progress and socialism, and dealt a new blow to the prestige of American imperialism.
A bloc of aggressors led by American warmongers, in whose hands is the "voting machine" in the United Nations, passed in February 1951 a decision that dishonored the aggressor core of this organization, declaring China as an aggressor.
Comrade Stalin, in a conversation with a Pravda correspondent published on February 17, 1951, calling the decision declaring China an aggressor shameful, said:“Indeed, one must lose the last remnants of conscience in order to assert that the United States of America, which seized Chinese territory, the island of Taiwan, and invaded Korea to the borders of China, is the defending side, and the People’s Republic of China, defending its borders and trying to regain its island of Taiwan captured by the Americans, is the aggressor."
Comrade Stalin pointed out that "The United Nations Organization, created as a bulwark for the preservation of peace, is turning into an instrument of war, into a means of unleashing a new world war." Comrade Stalin declared: “Thus, the United Nations is embarking on the inglorious path of the League of Nations. Thus, it buries its moral authority and dooms itself to disintegration.
The great leader of the working masses emphasized the extraordinary importance that the mass struggle for peace is acquiring:
“Peace will be preserved and strengthened if the peoples take the matter of preserving peace into their own hands and defend it to the end” (10) . This conclusion of Comrade Stalin is exceptionally important in the situation of war hysteria being fanned by American and other billionaires and millionaires.
JV Stalin at the same time pointed out: "War may become inevitable if the warmongers manage to entangle the masses with lies, deceive them and draw them into a new world war" (11) .
The United States, commanding the aggressor bloc in the UN, opposed the proposal of the USSR for the conclusion of a Peace Pact between the five great powers. This proposal was made by the USSR at the fifth session of the UN General Assembly in 1950.
The session of the World Peace Council (February 21-26, 1951), representing the popular masses of all countries opposing imperialist aggression and war, called on the peoples of all countries to sign the Appeal of the World Peace Council on the conclusion of a Peace Pact between the five great powers. In 1951 peace-loving peoples everywhere launched a campaign for the conclusion of this Pact. By January 1, 1952, almost 600 million people had signed the appeal for the conclusion of the Peace Pact, more than a third of the adult population of the globe. In many capitalist countries the mass struggle of the peoples for peace has reached such a level that it has a significant influence on the policy of governments.
The determined struggle for peace by the Soviet people and the peace-loving policy of the Soviet government inspired the peoples of all countries to raise even higher the glorious banner of peace and friendship among peoples. An example of this friendship is the fraternal alliance between the Soviet and Chinese peoples.
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After the Second World War, as before, the Soviet Union waged a relentless struggle against the American policy of conquest and American military aggression in Korea.
Questions connected with Korea, as well as the question of China, were discussed at a conference of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, the USA and England in December 1945 in Moscow.
Korea, liberated from the Japanese invaders by the Soviet Army in August 1945, was divided into two zones of military responsibility. In North Korea, up to the 38th parallel, the responsibility was assumed by the Soviet Union, in South Korea by the United States.
The American representatives, in proposing at the Moscow Conference to establish guardianship over Korea for 10 years, meant to turn Korea into a country economically and politically dependent on the imperialist powers.
The Soviet Union agreed to the establishment of guardianship as a form of assistance for the accelerated transition of Korea to complete national independence and the elimination of the country's colonial backwardness.
According to the agreement reached in Moscow, the guardianship of Korea was established for five years, and its functions were to correspond to the Soviet definition of the tasks of guardianship. The USSR, the USA, England and China participated in the guardianship.
The specific terms of guardianship were to be further determined by a Soviet-American commission with the participation, as suggested by the Soviet government, of the Provisional Korean Government and Korean democratic organizations.
In pursuit of the goal of subjugating Korea, the US government, however, soon began to violate the agreement reached in Moscow. At meetings of the Soviet-American commission on Korea in the spring of 1946 (March-May), US representatives refused to consult with the democratic organizations of Korea. The American imperialists more and more openly showed their intention to turn Korea into their colony.
In North Korea, the Soviet Union implemented the Leninist-Stalinist nationality policy. He put into practice the principles which, at his suggestion, formed the basis of the Moscow Agreement of the Three Powers on Korea. The Soviet Union helped bring about fundamental democratic changes in North Korea. With the support of the Soviet Union, the Korean people created democratic organs of power. The entire large industry of North Korea was nationalized. Lands occupied in the past by the Japanese and the landlords, working livestock and landowners' implements were distributed among the poorest peasantries.
The government of the USSR also insisted to the American government that the agreement on Korea, concluded in December 1945, be implemented throughout Korea. The Soviet government secured the obligation of US Secretary of State Marshall to consult with all organizations of the Korean people that support the 1945 agreement, that is, with all democratic organizations.
But when the Soviet-American commission on Korea met again (in May 1947), it turned out that the American government still did not intend to fulfill its obligations.
Pursuing an imperialist, colonialist policy in South Korea, the American invaders not only did not want to reckon with the democratic organizations of the Korean people, but they also intensified the persecution against them. Wishing to perpetuate its dominance in South Korea and then to extend it to North Korea as well, in the autumn of 1947 the US government proposed that instead of negotiations between the USSR and the USA, the Korean question should be discussed with the participation of its puppet, the Kuomintang government, as well as with the participation of England. The US government has also put forward a proposal to create separate legislative assemblies in South and North Korea.
In response to the diplomatic maneuvers of American imperialism, the Soviet Union proposed in September 1947 to evacuate Soviet and American troops from Korea by the beginning of 1948. The Soviet government, proposing the evacuation of all foreign troops from Korea, sought to create such conditions in the country under which the Korean people could arrange their own fate.
This in no way corresponded to the predatory plans of the American monopolists with respect to Korea. Therefore, the US government, rejecting the proposal of the USSR, illegally introduced the "Korean question" to the discussion of the second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, intending to use the UN to enslave Korea by US imperialism. The Washington government had no doubt that, using its rump—the governments of Latin America and other countries dependent on American imperialism, obedient to the will of the American financial oligarchy—it would pass any of its proposals through the United Nations. In this case, the UN voting machine stamped the US proposal for a UN commission for Korea. The commission was charged with overseeing the elections in South and North Korea.
The USSR and the people's democracies refused to take part in the election of this commission, since the Korean people themselves were completely ignored in the discussion of the issue and in the creation of the commission. The formation of this commission was also illegal because it violated the Moscow Agreement on Korea, which determined the procedure for settling the Korean problem. It was clear that the commission would only be an instrument of American imperialist policy in Korea.
The North Korean People's Committees refused to allow this commission into North Korea. Numerous protest demonstrations by the Korean people took place in South Korea against the arrival and activities of this anti-Korean commission. The UN Korean Commission served as a front for the creation of a puppet colonial regime in South Korea by the American occupiers.
The American imperialists began to create puppet authorities in South Korea as early as 1946. On December 12, 1946, a "provisional legislative assembly" of South Korea began to function in Seoul, consisting of 84 people, of which 45 were directly appointed by the commander of the occupying forces, General Hodge, and the rest are "elected" by four-stage elections. Among those appointed and "elected" there were only landlords, capitalists, and former officials or agents of Japanese imperialism who had now passed over to the American service. This "legislative assembly" turned out to be a stillborn child of US imperialism and was boycotted by the Korean people.
At the beginning of 1948, the population of South Korea took an active part in the discussion of the draft Constitution published by the People's Assembly of North Korea. The democratic press and broad strata of the people of South Korea expressed their warm approval of this draft constitution for a democratic Korea.
At this time, under the cover of the UN commission, the American occupiers further intensified the colonization of South Korea. In May 1948, mock elections were held for the "South Korean National Assembly." The popular masses boycotted these "elections", which even the UN Commission had to partially admit. The reactionaries and traitors to the people, handpicked by the American occupiers as members of the "national assembly", at the behest of their masters, "elected" the old American agent, the crook Rhee Syngman, as President of South Korea and assigned the roles of puppet statesmen among other traitors and traitors to the Korean people. This puppet ensemble of terry reactionaries and politicians, acting in accordance with the directives of the American monopolies, already in August 1948 announced its claims to seize power throughout the country.
The Soviet government, protesting against the lawlessness perpetrated by the American authorities, continued its policy of promoting the democratization and progressive development of Korea in every possible way. On May 7, 1948, the Soviet Union renewed its proposal to withdraw all foreign troops from Korea. In the summer of that year, the number of Soviet troops in North Korea was reduced. In September 1948, the Supreme People's Assembly of Korea, elected by all the Korean people, created a people's democratic government of Korea headed by Kim Il Sung and asked the governments of the USSR and the USA to withdraw Soviet and American troops from Korea. The government of the Soviet Union replied that it had instructed the evacuation of Soviet troops from Korea by the end of 1948.
The Soviet government also insisted on the evacuation of American troops from Korea. A. Ya. Vyshinsky on September 25, 1948 declared: "... the future of Korea belongs to the Korean people, who defend the unity, independence and independence of their country against any attempts to turn Korea into a colony and use it as a springboard for aggressive purposes."
On October 12, 1948, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Comrade Stalin, informed the Prime Minister of the Korean People's Democratic Republic, Kim Il Sung, in response to his letter with a proposal to establish diplomatic relations with the Korean People's Democratic Republic, that the Soviet government was ready to establish diplomatic relations with the government of the Korean People's Democratic Republic. In the spring of 1949, Kim Il Sung arrived in Moscow, accompanied by other members of the Korean government. A number of agreements on economic and cultural cooperation were concluded between the Soviet Union and Korea. The Soviet Union continued to assist the rapid growth of the national economy and the rapid cultural development of Korea.
The Korean people are deeply grateful to the Soviet Union, to the great friend of all peace-loving democratic peoples, Comrade Stalin. The leader of the Korean people, Kim Il Sung, expressed this feeling in his speech delivered on August 15, 1950, on the fifth anniversary of the liberation of Korea by the Soviet Army from the Japanese invaders. Noting the great successes achieved in the economic construction and cultural upsurge in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Kim Il Sung said: “We were able to achieve such colossal successes not only because the Korean people were liberated by the armed forces of the heroic Soviet Army from the colonial regime of Japanese imperialism, but also, thanks to the disinterested friendly help of the great Soviet Union, rendered by it to the Korean people" (12). Kim Il Sung declared in his speech that the entire Korean people expressed gratitude to the leader of the great Soviet people and the working people of the whole world, the organizer of the liberation of the Korean people, Generalissimo Stalin.
At the end of June 1950, the US government switched from the policy of preparing aggression to direct acts of aggression in the Far East. The attack of US imperialism on the Democratic People's Republic of Korea was a predatory act of the imperialist invaders, which completely exposed the aggressive policy of the US government. The American cannibals in 1952 brought disgrace upon their country by committing a monstrous crime—the conduct of bacteriological warfare against the Korean and Chinese peoples.
The Soviet government published a statement “On the American armed intervention in Korea”, in which it most resolutely condemned the US aggression against the Korean people, “the government of the United States of America,” stated the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A. A. Gromyko, “committed a hostile act against the world ... he bears responsibility for the consequences of the armed aggression he has undertaken” (13) .
While pursuing a policy of protecting the independence of Korea, its sovereignty, and the right of the Korean people to decide their own state system, the Soviet Union, at the same time, invariably strove for a just and peaceful settlement of issues related to Korea. In response to a letter from Indian Prime Minister Nehru dated July 13, 1950, Comrade Stalin said:
“I welcome your peace initiative. I fully share your point of view on the advisability of a peaceful settlement of the Korean question through the Security Council with the obligatory participation of representatives of the five great powers, including the People's Government of China. I believe that for a quick settlement of the Korean question, it would be expedient to hear representatives of the Korean people in the Security Council (14) .
Nehru's proposal was, however, rejected by the US government, which did not want to deviate from the path of open military seizures and bloody aggression.
The Soviet Union subsequently persistently and energetically pursued in the Security Council and the United Nations a policy of defending the Korean people, the victims of American aggression. Representatives of the USSR stigmatized the aggressive policy of the American government and exposed its predatory nature to the whole world. The Soviet Union insisted on an unconditional end to the American armed intervention in Korea and demanded the withdrawal of American troops from that country.
Full of dignity and unshakable faith in the victory of a just cause, the words of Comrade Stalin, spoken by him in a conversation with a Pravda correspondent in February 1951, sounded to the whole world:
“If England and the United States of America finally reject the peace proposals of the People's Government of China, then the war in Korea can only end in the defeat of the invaders” (5) .
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One of the very important tasks set by Soviet policy in the Far East after the Second World War was the creation of a democratic, peace-loving, independent Japan. Comrade Stalin pointed out that Germany in the West and Japan in the East were centers of world fascism and world aggression before the Second World War. “It was they,” said Comrade Stalin, “that unleashed the Second World War. It was they who brought humanity and its civilization to the brink of destruction” (16) .
To turn Japan, which was a hotbed of fascism and aggression before and during the Second World War, into a peaceful, democratic, independent country in which the power of predatory monopolies, black reaction and bloodthirsty militarism would be destroyed, in which democracy would flourish - these are the goals pursued the Soviet government in its foreign policy towards Japan.
“The Soviet government believes,” said Comrade Malenkov in his report at the 19th Party Congress - that Japan should also become an independent democratic peace-loving state, as was envisaged by the joint decisions of the allies" (17) .
The policy of the powers that fought against the fascist bloc was determined in relation to militaristic Japan at several conferences, including the Yalta conference. This policy was most fully defined in the Potsdam Declaration, published in July 1945, and in the decision of the Far East Commission of June 19, 1947, called "Basic Policy towards Japan after the surrender." The Potsdam Declaration was signed by Britain, the USA and China, and the Soviet Union also joined it after entering the war against Japan. The decision of the Far Eastern Commission was taken at the suggestion of the USSR.
The Potsdam Declaration established the basic principles of a just post-war regime in Japan. The declaration stated that militarism must be abolished, "severe justice must be carried out against all war criminals", democracy must be promoted, "freedom of speech, religion, thought shall be established", it was stated that Japan would not be allowed to have a war industry. that those who led Japan along the path of military aggression should be removed from power and influence, etc.
The implementation of the principles proclaimed in the declaration would lead to the elimination of Japanese militarism, to the democratization of the country, to the transformation of Japan into an independent peace-loving power. Therefore, the democratic forces of the whole world, including the Japanese patriots, supported the principles of the Potsdam Declaration and sought to implement them.
The decisions of the Moscow Conference of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, the USA and England in December 1945 on the creation of the Far Eastern Commission and the Allied Council for Japan pursued the goal of creating an apparatus for direct control over the implementation of the principles of the Potsdam Declaration and the implementation of the entire policy of the coalition of anti-fascist powers. The Far Eastern Commission was supposed to specify the conditions of the post-war regime in Japan, to define more precisely the principles and general grounds, "according to which Japan can fulfill its obligations under the terms of surrender."
The occupation of Japan was carried out by US troops with the symbolic participation of the British Empire. Since the US government and the American command, represented by General MacArthur and his staff, from the very first days of the occupation, pursued a policy of violating the Potsdam Declaration, the Soviet government and Soviet representatives in the Far Eastern Commission and the Allied Council had to wage a continuous struggle against the US imperialist policy in Japan.
The Soviet representatives tirelessly exposed the anti-democratic policy of the American government and its representatives in Japan, contrary to the principles of the Potsdam Declaration. At the same time, the Soviet representatives made their proposals aimed at protecting peace, the independence of Japan, the interests of the Japanese people, the legitimate interests of the USSR and the working people of the whole world.
The representative of the USSR in the Union Council demanded in 1946 to check the composition of the Japanese parliament, filled with fascist elements. The USSR insisted on carrying out an agrarian reform that would correspond to the interests of the broad masses of the impoverished Japanese peasantry, proposed the introduction of such workers' legislation that would maximally ensure, under capitalism, the rights of the proletariat. He demanded the liquidation of various "commissions" and bodies, which were disguised organizations of the Japanese General Staff and the War Ministry.
The USSR came out most resolutely against the savage terror of the American invaders and their puppet, the Tokyo government, against the brutal repressions with which they attacked the trade union organizations of the Japanese proletariat, the Japanese Communist Party and other people's democratic organizations. Offering every possible assistance in the development of Japan's peaceful industry, the Soviet Union insisted on a complete ban on the war industry and demanded that the organizers of bacteriological warfare, headed by Emperor Hirohito, and other war criminals be brought to strict accountability; the Soviet government made a strong protest against the early release of convicted Japanese war criminals, demanded the cancellation of the illegal orders of the American occupiers to release the main Japanese war criminals. The Soviet government resolutely opposed the illegal increase in the number of the Japanese police, and opposed the restoration by the American occupiers of the naval and air bases of Japan. The Soviet Union repeatedly demanded the speedy conclusion of a peace treaty with Japan. Since 1947, the government of the USSR has been making specific proposals on this issue. Exposing the American occupiers, V. M. Molotov in 1950 noted that the aggressors “do not want Japan to have a peace treaty, illegally seeking to keep Japanese territory under military occupation for a longer time ...” against the restoration by the American occupiers of the naval and air bases of Japan. The Soviet Union repeatedly demanded the speedy conclusion of a peace treaty with Japan. Since 1947, the government of the USSR has been making specific proposals on this issue.”(18) .
The American monopolies, taking advantage of the occupation, established their economic control over Japanese concerns; The American military, relying on Japanese reaction, directed the entire political and economic life of Japan. In the newspaper "For a lasting peace, for people's democracy!" in January 1950, it was noted that "the Japanese economy is completely subordinated to US monopolies and placed at the service of the aggressive plans of US imperialism." The article pointed out that “the American imperialists are using the Japanese reactionaries as a weapon with which it is easier to crush democratic organizations and establish complete political and economic dominance in Japan...” Assessing the situation in Japan, the author of the article pointed out that all democratic forces “ must fight resolutely for the independence of Japan (19) .
The Soviet Union, which is in the vanguard of the great and irresistible movement of the peoples for peace and freedom, is also leading the struggle of the democratic forces for security and peace in the Pacific. The Soviet Union categorically opposed the conclusion of a separate peace between the aggressor core of the capitalist world and the reactionary Japanese government. The Soviet Union is fighting against the enslavement of the Japanese people by American billionaires, against turning Japan into a military foothold and colony of American imperialism, and against the Japanese working masses becoming cannon fodder for the US militarists. “The peoples of the Soviet Union have deep respect for the Japanese people, who are forced to endure the yoke of foreign bondage and believe that they will achieve the national independence of their homeland and follow the path of peace” (20).
This position of the Soviet Union, its people, its government received a very clear expression in Comrade Stalin's New Year's message to the Japanese people on December 31, 1951. Comrade Stalin declared:“The peoples of the Soviet Union,” continues JV Stalin, “they themselves experienced the horrors of foreign occupation in the past, in which the Japanese imperialists also participated. Therefore, they fully understand the suffering of the Japanese people, deeply sympathize with them and believe that they will achieve the revival and independence of their homeland, just as the peoples of the Soviet Union achieved this in their time. Deeply inspiring Japanese workers, peasants, broad masses of the people are the words of Comrade Stalin, imbued with the greatest sympathy and at the same time full confidence in the future decisive change in the situation of the Japanese people:
“I ask you to convey to the Japanese people that I wish them freedom and happiness, that I wish them complete success in his courageous struggle for the independence of his homeland."
“I wish the Japanese workers liberation from unemployment and low wages, the elimination of high prices for mass consumption and success in the struggle to save the world.
I wish the Japanese peasants liberation from landlessness and lack of land, the elimination of high taxes and success in the struggle to preserve peace.
I wish all the Japanese people and their intelligentsia the complete victory of the democratic forces of Japan, the revival and upswing of the country's economic life, the flourishing of national culture, science, art, and success in the struggle to preserve peace" (21) .
Comrade Stalin's message not only evoked an upsurge of friendly feelings towards the Soviet Union among the popular masses of Japan, but it also instilled in the Japanese working people confidence in their own strength, that the Japanese people would win independence and a better life.
* * *
In the report to the XIX Party Congress on the work of the PC of the CPSU (b) comrade. Malenkov, speaking of the struggle of the Soviet Union for the preservation and strengthening of peace, showed with what perseverance the socialist country, led by the Leninist-Stalinist party, fought, and is fighting for peace and the security of the peoples.
“After the end of the Second World War,” Comrade Malenkov, pointed out - the party continued to pursue a foreign policy aimed at ensuring a long and lasting peace and developing international cooperation. The Soviet government put forward a well-known program of measures to prevent war" (22) .
Pursuing a Leninist-Stalinist international policy, Soviet diplomacy has defended and is defending the interests of the Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese and Malay, Indonesian and Filipino and all the peoples of the Far East fighting against the imperialist brigands. The struggle against aggression, against imperialism and reaction, the struggle for the independence of peoples, for peace, democracy and security—this is the content of the foreign policy of a great socialist power. The Soviet Union pursued this policy from the very first days of its existence; he is pursuing this policy and will continue to pursue it with the most active participation and with the support of all the progressive democratic forces of the world.
In the midst of continuous attempts to unleash a new war by the aggressive American-British bloc, the Soviet Union has waged and is waging an unremitting struggle to prevent war and to preserve peace. The speeches of A. Ya. Vyshinsky, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, at the sixth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on the reduction of armaments and the cessation of the aggressive war of the American-British imperialists against the Korean people enjoyed the warm support of the peace-loving popular masses of all countries. The representatives of the Soviet Union once again exposed the vile machinations of the enemies of peace, revealed the predatory plans hidden behind the hypocritical maneuvers and deceitful phrases of American diplomats, who in Paris spoke out for peace and disarmament and at the same time forced their vassals in Rome to a gathering of representatives of the aggressive North Atlantic bloc to increase armaments and armies, prepare for acts of aggression and attacks on peace-loving countries.
Demonstrating its commitment to peace, on March 12, 1951, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted the Law on the Protection of Peace, according to which propaganda of war in the USSR is a serious criminal offense and those guilty of this crime are brought to justice.
The Soviet people, devoting their energies to the construction of communism, carrying out the great Stalinist plan for the transformation of nature, constructing grandiose Stalinist construction projects, hate aggressive war, consider it the greatest crime against humanity.
Setting the task of peaceful economic construction, which should quickly lead to a further unprecedented rise in prosperity and to a great cultural flourishing of the Soviet country, the Soviet government considers the struggle for peace to be the main task of its foreign policy. It strives to save the masses of all countries from the terrible scourge of war.
By advancing the principle of the peaceful coexistence of the two systems, the Soviet government strives to achieve economic and political agreements with the capitalist countries. “The basis of our relations with the capitalist countries,” Comrade Stalin points out, “is the assumption of the coexistence of two opposing systems.” From the very first days of its activity, the Soviet government put this principle into practice, as evidenced by the decree on peace and numerous other acts of the Soviet government.“The position of the USSR in relation to the USA, Britain, France and other bourgeois states is clear, and this position has been repeatedly stated on our part. The USSR is even now ready to cooperate with these states, bearing in mind the observance of peaceful international norms and the provision of a lasting and lasting peace. (23) .
And the more the power of the Soviet country grows stronger, the more majestic becomes the policy of peace pursued by it, welcomed by ordinary people all over the globe. The Soviet Union is no longer the only state that conscientiously and vigorously pursues a policy of peace, a policy of struggle against aggression. The people's democracies of Central and South-Eastern Europe, the German Democratic Republic, the Great People's Republic of China, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, are waging shoulder to shoulder with it in the struggle for peace that emerged at a new stage in the general crisis of capitalism. In all countries of the world, the most diverse sections of the population come out in defense of peace, against the contemptible warmongers. Truly one of the greatest popular movements of our time is the movement for peace.
The camp of the world is great and mighty as never before, its strength is growing before the eyes of all people. His cause is just, attracting to its side the broad masses of people of all countries. The camp of peace, democracy, and socialism, led by the great Soviet Union, is more powerful than the camp of war, imperialism and reaction. The camp of democracy and progress is closely united around the great standard-bearer of peace, Comrade Stalin.
Defending the cause of peace, always and everywhere advocating the security, sovereignty and freedom of peoples, the Soviet Union relies on the moral and political unity of the Soviet people and the economic might of the great socialist state.
The Soviet people, closely rallied around the great Stalin into a single monolithic whole, devoted to the end to the cause of communism, conscious of its invincible might, vigilantly stands guard over its socialist fatherland. He is not afraid of any intrigues of the imperialists; he has more than once inflicted mortal blows on the imperialist predators who encroached on his freedom. He is ready, under the leadership of the Lenin-Stalin party, to deliver a crushing blow to any aggressor.
That is why "if the bosses of the imperialist camp nevertheless dare to unleash a war, there can be no doubt that it will end in the collapse of imperialism itself." That is why "No force in the world can delay the victorious movement of the Soviet people towards the final triumph of communism" (24) .
The moral and political unity of Soviet society, the friendship of the peoples of the USSR, the invincible Soviet Armed Forces, the ever-increasing economic might of the Soviet Union, and the moral support of the working people of all countries are the basis of the might of the socialist state and form a strong support for its peaceful policy.
“The Soviet Union is not afraid of the threats of warmongers. Our people have experience in fighting aggressors and are no strangers to beating them. He beat the aggressors in the civil war, when the Soviet state was young and relatively weak, he beat them in the Second World War, and he will beat them in the future if they dare to attack our Motherland ” (25) .
The principles which the Soviet Union steadfastly follows in its foreign policy were expounded with exhaustive clarity by Comrade Stalin in 1939 in his report at the 18th Party Congress. Comrade Stalin declared:
“1. We stand for peace and the strengthening of business ties with all countries, we stand and will stand on this position, insofar as these countries will keep the same relations with the Soviet Union, insofar as they will not try to violate the interests of our country,
2. We stand for peaceful, close, and good neighborly relations with all neighboring countries that have a common border with the USSR, we stand and will stand on this position, insofar as these countries will maintain the same relations with the Soviet Union, insofar as they will not attempt to violate, directly or indirectly, the interests of the integrity and inviolability of the borders of the Soviet state.
3. We stand for the support of the peoples who have become victims of aggression and are fighting for the independence of their homeland.
4. We are not afraid of threats from the aggressors and are ready to respond with a double blow to the blow of warmongers who are trying to violate the inviolability of the Soviet borders.
Such is the foreign policy of the Soviet Union” (26) .
(1) G. Malenkov, Report to the 19th Party Congress on the work of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, p. 26.(2) The American imperialists, with the support of their satellites, subsequently deprived China of its representation in the UN and the Security Council, but in doing so they also undermined the authority and importance of the UN. It is clear that this situation cannot continue for long, and the People's Republic of China will take its rightful place in international organizations.
(3) V. M. Molotov, Questions of Foreign Policy, Gospolitizdat, 1948, p. 291.
(4) Mao Tse-tung, On the Dictatorship of People's Democracy, M. 1949, p. 9.
(5) Renmin Ribao, 23 January 1951
(6) Xinhua, September 21, 1950
(7) Izvestia, February 14, 1951
(8) Izvestia, September 16, 1952
(9) Pravda, November 5, 1950 (
10) I. V. Stalin, Conversation with a Pravda correspondent, pp. 10, 12, 14.
(11) J. V. Stalin, Conversation with a Pravda correspondent, p. 14.
(12) Kim Il Sen, The Korean People's Great Liberation War for Freedom and Independence, pp. 52-53.
(13) Izvestia, July 4, 1950
(14) Pravda, July 18, 1950
(15) I. V. Stalin, Conversation with a Pravda correspondent, p. 8.
(16) I. V. Stalin, On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union, Gospolitizdat, 1952, p. 203.
(17) G. Malenkov, Report to the 19th Party Congress on the work of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Committee of the Bolsheviks), p. 31.
(18) V. M. Molotov, Speech at a meeting of voters of the Molotov electoral district of Moscow on March 10, 1950, Gospolitizdat, 1950, p. 26.
(19) "For a lasting peace, for people's democracy!", January 6, 1950 41.
( 20) G. Malenkov, Report to the 19th Party Congress on the work of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, p. 31.
(21) Pravda, January 1, 1952
(22) G. Malenkov Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, p. 27.
(23) G. Malenkov, Report to the XIX Party Congress on the work of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, p. 30.
(24) L.P. Beria, 34th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, Gospolitizdat, 1951, pp. 30-31.
(25) G. Malenkov, Report to the 19th Party Congress on the work of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, p. 33.
(26) Ya. D. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, ed. 11, p. 574.