Mikhail Bakunin
Bakunin's Writings
The German Crisis (1870)
Whosoever mentions the State, implies force, oppression, exploitation,
injustice--all these brought together as a system are the main
condition of present-day society. The State has never had, and
never can have, a morality. Its only morality and justice is its
own interest, its existence, and its omnipotence at any price;
and before its interest, all interest of Humanity must stand in
the background. The State is the negation of Humanity. It is this
in two ways: the opposite of human freedom and human justice (internally),
as well as the forcible disruption of the common solidarity of
mankind (externally). The Universal State, repeatedly attempted,
has always proved an impossibility, so that, as long as the
State exists, State will exist- and since every State
regards itself as absolute, and proclaims the adoration of its
power as the highest law, to which all other laws must be subordinated,
it therefore follows that as long as State exist wars cannot cease
Every State must conquer, or be conquered. Every State must build
its power on the weakness or, if it can do it without danger to
itself, on the destruction, of other States.
To strive for International justice, liberty, and perpetual
peace and at the same time to uphold the State, is contradictory
and naive. It is impossible to alter the nature of the State,
because it is just this nature that constitutes the State; and
States cannot change their nature without ceasing to exist. It
thus follows that there cannot be a good. just, virtuous State.
All States are bad in that sense, that they, by their nature,
by their principle by their very foundation and the highest ideal
of their' existence, are the opponents of human liberty, morality
and justice. And in this regard there is, one may say; what one
likes, no great difference between the barbaric Russian Empire
and the civilized States of Europe. Wherein lies the only difference
? Russian Tsardom does openly what the others do under the mask
of hypocrisy. Tsardom with its undisguised political method, and
its contempt for humanity, is the only goal to which all statesmen
of Europe secretly but envyingly aspire. All States of Europe
do the same as Russia, as far as public opinion, and especially
as far as the reawakened but very powerful solidarity of the people
allow them-a public opinion and solidarity which contain in themselves
the gems of the destruction of States. There is no "good"
State with the possible exception of the se that are powerless.
And even they are quite criminal enough in their dreams. He who
wants freedom, justice, and' peace, he who wants the entire (economic
and political) liberation of the masses, must strive for the destruction
of the States, and the establishment of a universal federation
of free groups for Production.
As long as the German workers strive for the establishment
of a national State--however popular and free they may imagine
this State (and there is a far stop from imagination to realization,
especially when there is the fraternization of two diametrically
opposed principles, the State and the liberty of the people, involved)-so
long as they sacrifice the liberty of the people to the might
of the State, Socialism to politics, International justice and
fraternity to patriotism. It is clear that their own economic
liberation will remain a beautiful dream, looming in the distant
future.
It is impossible to reach two opposite poles simultaneously.
Socialism, the Social Revolution, presupposes the abolition of
the State; it is therefor clear that he who is in favor of the
State must give up Socialism, and sacrifice the economic liberation
of the workers to the political power of some privileged party.
The German Social Democratic Party is forced to sacrifice the
economic liberation of the proletariat, and consequently also
their political liberation--or, bettor expressed, their liberation
from politics--to the self-seeking and triumph of the bourgeois
Democracy. This follows unquestionably from Articles 2 and 3 of
their program. The first three paragraphs of Article 2 are quite
in accord with the Socialist principles of the international,
whose program they copy nearly literally. But the fourth paragraph
of the same article, which declares that political liberty is
the forerunner of economic liberty, entirely destroys the practical
value of the recognition of our principles. It can mean nothing
else than this:-"Proletarians, you are saves, the victims
of private property and capitalism. You want to liberate your-selves
from this yoke. This is good, and your demands are quite just.
But in order to realize them, you must help us to accomplish the
political revolution. Afterwards we will help you to accomplish
the Social Revolution. Let us, therefore, through the might of
your arms establish the Democratic State, and then-and then we
will create a commonwealth for you similar to the one the Swiss
workers enjoy.
In order to convince oneself that this preposterous delusion
expresses entirely the spirit and tendency of the German Social
Democratic Party--i.e., their program, not the natural aspirations
of the German workers of whom the party consists one need only
study the third article of this program, wherein all the initial
demands, which shall be brought about by the peaceful and legal
agitation of the party are elaborated. All these demands, w with
the exception of the tenth, which had not even been proposed by
the authors of the program, but had been added later.- during
the discussion, by a member of the Eisenach Congress--all these
demands are of an entirely political character. All these points
which are recommended as the main object of the immediate practical
activity of the party consist of nothing else but the well-known
program of bourgeois democracy; universal suffrage, with direct
legislator by the people, abolition of al' political privilege;
a citizen army; separation of Church and State, and school and
State; free and compulsory education; liberty of the Press, assembly,
and combination; conversion of all indirect taxation into a direct,
progressive, and universal income-tax.
These are the true objects, the real goal of the party ! An
exclusively political reform of the State, the institutions and
laws, of the State. Am I not, therefore, entitled to assert that
this program is in reality a purely political and bourgeois affair,
which looks upon Socialism only as a dream for a far distant future
? Have 1 not likewise a right to assort that if one would judge
the Social Democratic Party of the German workers by their program--of
which I will beware, because I know that the real aspirations
of the German working class go infinitely fur ther than this,
program--then one would have a right to believe that the creation
of this party had no other purpose than the exploitation of the
mass of the proletariat as blind and sacrificed tools towards
the realization of the political plans of the German bourgeois
Democracy.
Next: On The Social Upheaval