What are the conclusions, the results, of our inner-Party struggle?
I have here the document of September 1926 signed by Trotsky. This document is remarkable for the fact that there is in it something in the nature of an attempt to anticipate the results of the inner-Party struggle, something in the nature of an attempt to prophesy, to outline, the prospects of our inner Party struggle. This document states:
"The united opposition demonstrated in April and July, and will demonstrate in October, that the unity of its views only grows stronger under the influence of the gross and disloyal persecution to which it is being subiected, and the Party will come to realise that only on the basis of the views of the united opposition is there a way out of the present severe crisis" (see Trotsky's letter to the oppositionists, September 1926, appended to the verbatim report of the sittings of the Political Bureau, October 8 and 11, 1926).
As you see, this is almost a prediction. (A voice : "Yes almost!") It is almost a prophecy of the true Marxist type, a forecast for two whole months ahead. (Laughter.)
Of course, there is a slight exaggeration in it. (Laughter.) It speaks, for instance, of the present severe crisis in our Party. But we, thank God, are alive and ~ourishing and haven't even noticed any crisis. There is, of course, something in the nature of a crisis -- only not in the Party, but in a certain faction known as the opposition bloc. But, after all, a crisis in
a tiny faction cannot be represented as a crisis in a party a million strong.
Trotsky's document says further that the opposition bloc is growing stronger, and will grow still stronger in the future. I think that there is a slight exaggeration here too. (Laughter.) The fact cannot be denied that the opposition bloc is disintegrating, that its best elements are breaking away from it, that it is suffocating in its internal contradictions. Is it not a fact that Comrade Krupskaya, for instance, is leaving the opposition bloc? (Stormy applause.) Is that accidental?
Trotsky's document says, lastly, that only on the basis of the views of the united opposition is there a way out of the present crisis. I think that here also Trotsky is slightly exaggerating. (Laughter.) The oppositionists cannot but know that the Party has become united and firmly welded not on the basis of the views of the opposition bloc, but in a fight against those views, on the basis of the socialist prospects of our constructive work. The exaggeration in Trotsky's document is glaring.
But if we leave aside all the exaggerations in Trotsky's document, it does look, comrades, as if nothing remains of his prophecy. (General laughter.)
As you see, the conclusion proves to be the opposite of the conclusion that Trotsky outlined in his prophecy.
I am concluding, comrades.
Zinoviev once boasted that he knew how to put his ear to the ground (laughter ), and that when he put his ear to the ground he could hear the footsteps of history. It may very well be that this is actually so. But one thing has to be admitted, and that is that Zinoviev, while able to put his ear to the ground and hear the footsteps of history, sometimes fails to hear certain "trifles." It may be that the opposition is actually
able to put its ear to the ground and hear such wonderful things as the footsteps of history. But one has to admit that, while able to hear such wonderful things, it has failed to hear such a "trifle" as that the Party has long ago turned its back on it, and that the opposition is on the rocks. That they have failed to hear. (Voices : "Quite right!")
What follows from this? It follows that something is obviously wrong with the opposition's ears. (Laughter.)
Hence my advice: Worthy oppositionists, get your ears attended to! (Stormy and prolonged applause. The delegates rise from their seats, applauding as Comrade Stalin leaves the rostrum.)
Pravda, No. 262,
November 12, 1926
 F. Engels, "Grundsätze des Kommunismus." See Marx-Engels
Gesamtausgabe, Abt. I, Bd. 6, S. 503-22.
 Quoted from Lenin's report on "The Activities of the Council of People's Commissars," made at the Third All-Russian Congress of Soviets on January 11 (24), 1918. See also Engels' letter to Paul Lafargue of June 2, 1894 (Karl Marx and Frederick Engels,
Works, Russ. ed., Vol. XXIX, p. 311).
 This refers to V. I. Lenin's article "A Few Theses." (1915)
 See Resolutions and Decisions of C.P.S.U. Congresses,
Conferences and Central Committee Plenums, Part II, 1953, p. 46.
 See Note 13. [Note 13: On May 8, 1923, Lord Curzon, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, sent the Soviet Government an ultimatum containing slanderous charges against the Soviet Government. It demanded the recall of the Soviet plenipotentiary representatives from Persia and Afghanistan, the release of British fishing boats which had been detained for illegal fishing in the northern territorial waters of the U.S.S.R., etc., and threatened a rupture of trade relations if these demands were not conceded within ten days. Curzon's ultimatum created the danger of a new intervention. The Soviet Government rejected the unlawful claims of the British Government, at the same time expressing complete readiness to settle the relations between the two countries in a peaceful way, and took measures to strengthen the country's defensive capacity.]
 See Resolutions and Decisions of C.P.S.U. Congresses,
Conferences and Central Committee Plenums, Part II, 1953, p. 49.
 See V. I. Lenin, The United States of Europe Slogan. (1915)
 See Note 97. [Note 97: See V. I. Lenin,
Tenth Congress of the R.C.P.(B.). March 8-16, 1921. 6. Report on the Substitution of a Tax in Kind for the Surplus-Grain Appropriation System. March 15.]
 The "Ufa Government" was a counter-revolutionary organisation which called itself the "All-Russian Provisional Government" (Directory). It was formed in Ufa on September 23, 1918, at a conference of representatives of whiteguard "governments," Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutlonaries and intervening foreign powers. It existed until November 18, 1918.