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At the same time, in the Third World, all the forces that oppose, in one
way or another, imperialist barbarity, are hunted down and attacked in
the name of the struggle against `Stalinism'.
So, according to the French newspaper Le Monde,
the Communist Party of the Philippines has just been
`seized by the Stalinist demon of the purges'.
.
Patrice de Beer,
`La lente érosion'. Le Monde, 7 August 1991.
According to a tract from the Meisone
group, the `Stalinists' of the Tigray People's Liberation Front have
just seized power in Addis Ababa. In Peru as well, we hear of
Mao-Stalinist
ideas, `that stereotyped formal language of another era'.
.
Marcel Niedergang,
Le Monde.
We can even read that the Syrian Baath party leads `a closed society,
almost Stalinist'!
.
International Herald Tribune, 5 November 1991, p. 1.
Right in the middle of the Gulf War, a newspaper reported
to us that a Soviet pamphlet compared photographs of Stalin and
Saddam Hussein,
and concluded that
Saddam
was an illegitimate son of the great Georgian.
And the butchers that chased Father
Aristide
from Haiti seriously claimed
that he had installed `a totalitarian dictatorship'.
Stalin's work is important for all peoples engaged in the revolutionary
struggle for freedom from the barbaric domination of imperialism.
Stalin represents, just like
Lenin,
steadfastness in the fiercest and
most merciless of class struggles. Stalin showed that, in the most
difficult situations, only a firm and inflexible attitude towards the
enemy can resolve the fundamental problems of the working masses.
Conciliatory, opportunistic and capitulationist attitudes will inevitably
lead to catastrophe and to bloody revenge by the reactionary forces.
Today, the working masses of the Third World find themselves in a very
difficult situation, with no hope in sight, resembling conditions in
the Soviet Union in 1920--1933. In Mozambique, the most reactionary
forces in the country were used by the CIA and the South African BOSS
to massacre 900,000 Mozambicans. The Hindu
fundamentalists, long protected by the Congress Party and upheld by the
Indian bourgeoisie, are leading India into bloody terror. In
Colombia, the collusion between the reactionary army and police, the CIA
and the drug traffickers is provoking a bloodbath among the masses.
In Iraq, where criminal aggression killed more than 200,000, the
embargo imposed by our great defenders of human rights continues to
slowly kill tens of thousands of children.
In each of these extreme situations, Stalin's example shows us how to
mobilize the masses for a relentless and victorious struggle against
enemies ready to use any means.
But a great number of revolutionary parties of the Third World, engaged
in merciless battles against barbaric imperialism, progressively
deviated towards opportunism and capitulation, and this disintegration
process almost always started with ideological attacks against Stalin.
The evolution of parties such as the Farabundo Martí National
Liberation Front (FMLN) in El Salvador is a prime example.
From about 1985, a right-opportunist tendency developed within
the Communist Party of the Philippines. It wanted to end the popular war
and to start a process of `national reconciliation'. Following
Gorbachev,
the tendency virulently attacked Stalin. This
same opportunism also had a `left' form. Wanting to come to power quickly,
others proposed a militarist line and an urban political insurrection.
In order to eliminate police infiltration, leaders of this tendency
organized a purge within the Party in Mindanao:
they executed several hundred persons, violating all of the
Party's rules. But when the Central Committee decided to conduct
an ideological and political rectification campaign,
these opportunists all united against
`the Stalinist purge'!
Jose Maria
wrote:
`(T)hose who oppose the rectification movement most bitterly are
those who have been most responsible for the militarist viewpoint, the
gross reduction of the mass base, witchhunts of monstrous proportions
(violative of all sense of democracy and decency) and degeneration into
gangsterism ....
`These renegades have in fact and in effect joined up with the
intelligence and psywar agents of the U.S.--Ramos régime in an attempt to
stop the CPP from strengthening itself ideologically, politically and
organizationally.'
.
Jose Maria Sison,
Statement of Denial and Condemnation.
8 December 1992.
The journal Democratic Palestine, of the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), also opened up a debate on Stalin:
`Negative aspects of the Stalin era which have been highlighted include:
forced collectivization; repression of free expression and democracy
in the party and in the society; ultracentralization of decision-making
in the party, the Soviet state and the international Communist
movement.'
.
Democratic Palestine, July--August--September 1992, p. 31.
All these so-called `criticisms' of Stalin are nothing more than a verbatim
rehash of old social-democratic anti-Communist criticisms. To choose this
road and to follow it to its end means, ultimately, the end of the
PFLP as a revolutionary organization. The experience of all those who
have taken this road leaves no room for doubt.
The recent evolution of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN)
is instructive about this subject. In his interview of
Fidél Castro,
Thomas Borge
vigorously attacked `Stalinism': it is under this camouflage
that the FSLN transformed itself into a bourgeois social-democratic entity.
Next: Stalin's work takes
Up: Introduction:
The importance
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Fri Aug 25 09:03:42 PDT 1995