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When the kulaks threw themselves into their final struggle against
socialism, they received unexpected international support.
In 1930, Belgian, German and French
social-democracy mobilized against Bolshevism, just as a catastrophic
crisis was hitting the imperialist countries. In 1930,
Kautsky
wrote
Bolshevism at a Deadlock,
in which he affirmed that a democratic revolution was necessary in
the Soviet Union, against the `Soviet aristocracy'.
.
Karl Kautsky,
Bolshevism at a Deadlock (London: George Allen & Unwin,
1931), pp. 97--98.
He hoped for a `victorious peasant revolt against the
Bolshevik régime' in the Soviet Union.
.
Ibid.
, p. 150.
He wrote of the `degeneration of Bolshevism
into ... Fascism ... in the last twelve years'!
.
Ibid.
, pp. 139--140.
Hence, starting from 1930, social democracy was already toying with the theme
`
'. This was the same social-democracy that
upheld colonialism, that did its utmost to save capitalism after
the 1929 crisis, that sustained and organized anti-worker and
antipopular repression and, most significantly, that later
collaborated with the Nazis!
Kautsky
made a `claim for democracy for all'.
.
Ibid.
, p. 124.
He called for a wide united front with the Russian
right for a `democratic, Parliamentary Republic', claiming that `middle-class
democracy in Russia has less interest in capitalism than Western Europe'.
.
Ibid.
, p. 173.
Kautsky
perfectly summarized the social-democratic line of the 1930s,
struggling against the Soviet Union: a `democratic
revolution' against the `Soviet aristocracy', against the `fascist
disintegration of Bolshevism', for `democracy for all', for a
`democratic, Parliamentary Republic'. Those who followed the debates in
1989 will recognize the program and the slogans used by the right-wing
forces in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.
Fri Aug 25 09:03:42 PDT 1995