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Numerous anti-Communist books tell us that the collectivization was
`imposed' by the leadership of the Party and by Stalin and implemented
with terror. This is a lie. The essential impulse during the violent
episodes of collectivization came from the most oppressed of the peasant
masses. A peasant from the Black-Earth region declared:
`I have lived my whole life among the batraks (agricultural workers).
The October revolution
gave me land, I got credit from year to year, I got a poor horse, I
can't work the land, my children are ragged and hungry, I simply can't
manage to improve my farm in spite of the help of the Soviet
authorities. I think there's only one way out: join a tractor column,
back it up and get it going.'
.
Ibid.
, p. 160.
Lynne Viola
wrote:
`Although centrally initiated and endorsed, collectivization became, to
a great extent, a series of ad hoc policy responses to the unbridled
initiatives of regional and district rural party and government organs.
Collectivization and collective farming were shaped less by Stalin and the
central authorities than by the undisciplined and irresponsible activity
of rural officials, the experimentation of collective farm leaders
left to fend for themselves, and the realities of a backward
countryside.'
.
Viola,
op. cit.
, pp. 215--216.
Viola
correctly emphasizes the base's internal dynamic.
But her interpretation of the facts is one-sided. She
misses the mass line consistently followed by Stalin and the Bolshevik
Party. The Party set the general direction, and, on this basis, the
base and the intermediate cadres were allowed to experiment. The
results from the base would then serve for the elaboration of new
directives, corrections and rectifications.
Viola
continued:
`The state ruled by circular, it ruled by decree, but it had neither the
organizational infrastructure nor the manpower to enforce its voice or to
ensure correct implementation of its policy in the administration of the
countryside .... The roots of the Stalin system in the countryside do
not lie in the expansion of state controls but in the very absence of such
controls and of an orderly system of administration, which, in turn, resulted
as the primary instrument of rule in the countryside.'
.
Ibid.
, p. 216.
This conclusion, drawn from a careful observation of the real progress
of collectivization, requires two comments.
The thesis of `Communist totalitarianism' exercised by an `omnipresent
Party bureaucracy' has no real bearing with the actual Soviet power
under Stalin. It is a slogan showing the bourgeoisie's
hatred of real socialism. In 1929--1933, the Soviet State did not
have the technical means, the required qualified personnel, nor the
sufficient Communist leadership to direct collectivization
in a planned and orderly manner: to describe it as an all-powerful and
totalitarian State is absurd.
In the countryside, the essential urge for collectivization came from
the most oppressed peasants. The Party prepared and initiated the
collectivization, and Communists from the cities gave it leadership, but this
gigantic upheaval of peasant habits and traditions could not have
succeeded if the
poorest peasants had not been convinced of its necessity.
Viola's
judgment according to which `repression became the principal instrument
of power' does not correspond to reality. The primary instrument was
mobilization, consciousness raising, education and organization of
the masses of peasants. This constructive work, of course, required
`repression', i.e. it took place and could not have taken place
except through bitter class struggle against the men and the
habits of the old régime.
Be they fascists or
Trotskyists,
all anti-Communists affirm that
Stalin was the representative of an all-powerful bureaucracy that
suffocated the base. This is the opposite of the truth. To apply its
revolutionary line, the Bolshevik leadership often called on the
revolutionary forces at the base to short-circuit parts of the
bureaucratic apparatus.
`The revolution was not implemented through regular administrative
channels; instead the state appealed directly to the party rank and file
and key sectors of the working class in order to circumvent rural
officialdom. The mass recruitments of workers and other urban cadres
and the circumvention of the bureaucracy served as a breakthrough policy
in order to lay the foundations of a new system.'
.
Ibid.
, p. 215.
Next: The organizational line
Up: The first wave
Previous: The war against
Fri Aug 25 09:03:42 PDT 1995