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Given this background, one can better understand the international
policy that Stalin followed from 1945 to 1953. Stalin was firm in his
opposition to U.S. imperialism and to its war plans. To the extent
that it was possible, he helped the revolutionary movements of
different peoples, while remaining cautious.
Stalin led a four-front struggle against the world capitalist system:
he reinforced the defence of the Soviet Union, the basis for the
international Communist movement; he helped peoples who were on the
road to popular democracy and socialism; he supported the colonized
peoples who sought independence; and he encouraged the vast
international movement for peace, against the new military adventures
Stalin fully understood that the purpose of Anglo-American imperialism
was to `save' the reactionary classes of countries neighboring the
Soviet Union, the same ones that had collaborated with the Nazis, in
order to integrate them into their world hegemony strategy. This
direction was already clear during the war itself.
On August 1, 1944, the Polish government in London set off an
insurrection in Warsaw. These reactionaries began their criminal
adventure solely to prevent the Red Army from liberating the Polish
capital. The Red Army, which had just advanced 600 kilometres, had
lost many men and much matériel. It was impossible for it to go
forward to Warsaw and help the insurrection. In fact, the Polish
reactionaries had deliberately hidden from the Soviets their intention
to start the insurrection. But the Nazis, having concentrated several
divisions in Warsaw, massacred the population and destroyed the
K. K. Rokossovsky,
, pp. 254--263.
Stalin saw this as a war within a war. He wrote to
`Sooner or later, the truth will be known about the handful of
criminals who, in order to seize power, set off the Warsaw
Staline, op. cit.
, p. 376.
On August 23, 1944, the Red army liberated the first Hungarian
village. Two days later,
fascist government, in power since
1919, addressed the new situation. In the records, we find
`The Anglo-Saxons would like the Hungarians to contain the Russians
until they themselves occupy Hungary'.
L'armée soviétique libératrice dans la Seconde
Guerre mondiale (Moscow: Éditions du Progrès, 1977). p.309.
and his gang began the struggle against `Red imperialism' just
as 35 fascist divisions prepared to `defend' Budapest againt the
Soviet army. From that day, Hungarian reaction hoped to be saved by
the U.S., which would guarantee `Hungarian independence' from `Soviet
expansionism'. In all the Central and Eastern European countries,
`national independence' was the rallying cry of the reactionary
classes in order to fight not only socialism, but also basic
national interests, in order to better integrate into the U.S.
strategy of world domination.
In Greece, the national resistance, led by the Communist Party, had
inflicted major losses on the Nazis. When the Germans evacuated
Athens on October 12, 1944, the 70,000 armed resistants controlled
almost the entire territory. The British Army intervened to prevent
the Greek people from forming a revolutionary government. On
wrote to General Scobie:
`Do not however hesitate to act as if you were in a conquered
city where a local rebellion is in progress.'
, p. 188.
And so began the long Anglo-American war against the Greek
By crushing the fascist armed forces in the Central and Eastern
European countries, the Red Army created optimal conditions for the
development of the struggles of the workers, peasant and
Thanks to this aid, the masses, led by the Communist Parties,
succeeded in installing socialist régimes, thereby creating a real
national independence. They successfully outplayed the intrigues of
fascist and bourgeois forces that tried to maintain power by
tranforming those countries into U.S. neo-colonies.
The theory of `Red imperialism', which the Nazis invented at the
beginning of the war in 1941 to justify their agression, was taken up
by the U.S. in 1946. The Anglo-American interpretation of
`independence' was well illustrated in Greece, where they massacred
the forces that had led the
Stalin's analysis of the international situation after the defeat of
the fascist powers was presented by one of his close collaborators,
political leader in Leningrad during the 900-day
Here is the text that
presented to the information conference
of nine Communist Parties in September 1947 in Poland. These
positions are important, not only because they were relevant, but
because they were, one by one, rejected nine years later after
`The aim of the expansionist course of the United States is simply the
establishment of world domination. This new course aims to
consolidate the United States monopoly situation, which was
established with the disappearance of their two most important
competitors --- Germany and Japan --- and by the weakening of its
capitalist partners, Britain and France. This new course depends on a
large military, economic and political program, whose application
would establish in every targeted country the political and economic
domination of the United States, thereby reducing those countries to
satellite countries, and would establish internal regimes that would
eliminate any obstacles to exploitation of these countries by U.S.
`The most enraged and unsteady imperialist politicians have,
begun preparing plans for launching, as quickly
as possible, a preventive war against the Soviet Union, openly calling
for the use against the Soviet peoples of the temporary U.S. monopoly
of atomic weapons.'
`The U.S. military strategic plan calls for the creation, in peace
time, of numerous military bases and stockpiles, far removed from the
American continent and designed to be used aggressively against the
Soviet Union and the New Democratic countries.'
`The U.S. monopolies place all their hopes in the restoration of a
capitalist Germany, considering that it would constitute the most
important guarantee for success in the struggles against democratic
forces in Europe.'
`But on the road to their world domination ambitions, the U.S. must
face the USSR with its rising international influence, as the bastion
of anti-imperialist and anti-fascist politics, the New Democratic
countries, which succeeded in escaping Anglo-American control, and the
workers of all countries.'
`Concessions to this new direction of the United States and of the
imperialist camp would allow its creators to become more rude and
aggressive. This is why the Communist Parties must lead
the resistance, in all areas, to imperialist plans of expansion and
André Jdanov, Rapport d'André Jdanov sur la
situation internationale (Paris: Imprimerie Maréchal, 1947),
pp. 5-7, 14, 21, 7, 26.
Stalin always had confidence in the strength of the Soviet people and
in the revolutionary and anti-capitalist forces throughout the world.
This attitude was clearly expressed in an official declaration by
`Let no one believe that the piles of arms of the warmongers scares
us. It is not for us, but for the imperialists and the aggressors to be
scared .... Can there be any doubt that if the imperialists
trigger a third world war, that this war will not mean the demise of
isolated capitalist states but, rather, of the entire world capitalist
Le XXXII anniversaire de la grande
révolution socialiste d'Octobre (Moscow: Éditions en langues
étrangères, 1950), p. 23.
In 1947, the Soviet Union built its own nuclear weapons. Stalin had
succeeded in breaking U.S. nuclear nightmare diplomacy. At the same
time, the Soviet Union and the Communist Parties of the entire world
began a major international campaign to counter U.S. war plans and to
ban nuclear weapons. The World Peace Council began, against
imperialist aggression, the largest peace movement ever. Its
Manifesto, published at the end of the Second World Congress,
`More and more, the peoples of the world are placing their hopes in
themselves, in their firmness and in their will. The struggle for
peace is your struggle. Know that hundreds of millions of Peace
Partisans are uniting and holding out their hands to you. One does
not wait for peace, it is won. With the 500 million conscious souls
who signed the Stockholm Appeal, we insist upon the banning of atomic
weapons, general disarmament and control of these measures.'
`Manifeste aux peuples', Revue mondiale de la Paix
(Paris), Nov. 1950, 21:121--122.
Next: Tito's revisionism and
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Fri Aug 25 09:03:42 PDT 1995