VI
Lastly, we disagree with the Organising Committee, and with many of the groups and fictitious organisations abroad, because our opponents are unwilling to admit openly, loyally and unequivocally that our Party enjoys the support of the overwhelming majority of the class-conscious workers of Russia.
We attach extremely great importance to this because, on the basis of bald statements unsupported by precise and verifiable facts, the most glaring falsehoods are often circulated abroad about the state of affairs in Russia.
The alternative is clear: either our opponents admit that there are irreconcilable differences between us (in which case their talk about unity is hypocrisy), or they see no irreconcilable differences (in which case, if they do not want to be regarded as splitters, they must loyally admit that we are the absolute majority).
By what public and verifiable facts can it be proved which side enjoys the support of the real majority of the class-conscious and organised Social-Democratic workers in Russia?
First, by the Duma elections.
Secondly, by the information published in both Social-Democratic newspapers during the whole of 1912 and nearly the whole of 1913.
It can be readily understood that the only convincing material on the question at issue is provided by the daily newspapers of the two trends in St. Petersburg for two years.
Thirdly, by public statements made by workers in Russia (in the columns of both newspapers) in favour of one or the other of the two Social-Democratic groups in the Duma.
All these three sets of facts were given in our Central Committee's official report to the International Socialist Bureau (session of December 14, 1913). I will briefly recapitulate these facts.
First: 47 per cent of the deputies elected by the worker curia in the elections to the Second Duma (1907), 50 per cent of such deputies in the elections to the Third Duma (1907-12), and 67 per cent in the elections to the Fourth Duma were Bolsheviks (i.e., our adherents).
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Secondly, during 21 months between January 1, 1912 and October 1, 1913, the two workers' newspapers in St. Petersburg published reports of the funds collected by workers' groups: 556 groups collected funds for the liquidators and all their allies, while 2,181 groups collected funds for our Party.
Thirdly, up to November 20, 1913, 4,850 workers expressed support, over their signatures, for our group in the Duma, as against 2,539 workers who expressed support for the liquidators (and all their allies, the Bund, the Caucasians, and so on and so forth).
These precise and verifiable facts prove that during the two years, we united the overwhelming majority of Social-Democratic workers' groups in Russia, despite the incredible difficulties the illegal Party in Russia has to contend with.
(In the matter of publishing illegal literature and organising illegal, strictly Party conferences, the odds in our favour are even greater.)
Since we have in two years united the overwhelming majority of Social-Democratic workers' groups in Russia, we claim recognition for our method of organisation. We cannot depart from that method.
Those who recognise the illegal Party, but refuse to recognise our method of organisation, which has been endorsed by two years' of experience and by the will of the majority of the class-conscious workers, are guilty of splitting tactics.
Such is my brief report.
With Social-Democratic greetings, N. Lenin
Brussels, January 31-February 1, 1914