but that is because you factionalists were hampering us (see the letter of the conciliators -- not Bolsheviks -- Hermann and Arkady in Pravda, No. 20).
The political bankruptcy of a tendency or a group lies precisely in the fact that everything "hampers" it, everything turns against it; for it has wrongly estimated this "everything", for it has taken as its basis empty words, sighs, regrets, whimpers.
Whereas in our case, gentlemen, everything and everybody came to our assistance -- and herein lies the guarantee of our success. We were assisted by the Potresovs, Larins, Levitskys -- for they could not open their mouths without confirming our arguments about liquidationism. We were assisted by the Martovs, Dans and others -- for they compelled everyone to agree with our view that the Golos group and the liquidators are one and the same. We were assisted by
Plekhanov to the very extent that he exposed the liquidators, pointed out the "loopholes" left open "for the liquidators" (by the conciliators ) in the resolutions of the Plenary Meeting, and ridiculed the "puffy" and "integralist" passages in these resolutions (passed by the conciliators against us ). We were assisted by the Russian conciliators whose "invitation", extended to Mikhail, Yuri, and Roman, was accompanied by abusive attacks upon Lenin (see Golos ), thereby confirming the fact that the refusal of the liquidators was not due to the insidiousness of the "factionalists". How is it, my dear conciliators, that, notwithstanding your virtue everybody hampered you, whereas everyone helped us in spite of all our factional wickedness?
It was because the policy of your petty group hinged only on phrase-mongering, often very well-meaning and well intentioned phrase-mongering, but empty nonetheless. A real approach to unity is created only by a rapprochement of strong factions, strong in their ideological integrity and an influence over the masses that has been tested by the experience of the revolution.
Even now, your outbursts against factionalism remain mere words, because you yourselves are a faction, one of the worst, least reliable, unprincipled factions. Your loud, sweeping pronouncement (in the Information Bulletin ) -- "not a centime for the factions" -- was mere words. Had you meant it seriously, could you have spent your "centimes " on the publication of the message-platform of a new group? Had you meant it seriously, could you have kept quiet at the sight of such factional organs as Rabochaya Gazeta and The Diary of a Social-Democrat ? Could you have abstained from publicly demanding that they be closed down?* Had you demanded this, had you seriously stipulated such a condition, you would simply have been ridiculed. However, if, being well aware of this, you confine yourselves to languid sighs, does it not prove over and over again that your conciliationism remains suspended?
* In fairness it should be stated that the Paris conciliators, who have now issued their message, were opposed to launching of Rabochaya Gazeta ; they walked out of the first meeting to which they were invited by its editors. We regret that they did not help us (to expose the futility of conciliationism) by openly denouncing Rabochaya Gazeta.
The disarming of the factions is possible only on the basis of reciprocity -- otherwise it is a reactionary slogan, extremely harmful to the cause of the proletariat; it is a demagogical slogan, for it only facilitatcs the uncompromising struggle of the liquidators against the Party. Anyone who advances this slogan now, after the attempt of the Plenary Meeting to apply it has failed, after the attempt to amalgamate (the factions) has been thwarted by the Golos and Vperyod factions -- anyone who does this without even daring to repeat the condition of reciprocity, without even trying to state it clearly, to determine the methods of control over its actual fulfilment, is simply becoming intoxicated by sweet-sounding words.
Bolsheviks, unite -- you are the only bulwark-of a consistent and decisive struggle against liquidationism and otzovism.
Pursue the policy of rapprochement with anti-liquidationist Menshevism, a policy tested by practice, confirmed by experience -- such is our slogan. It is a policy that does not promise a land flowing with the milk and honey of "universal peace" which cannot be attained in the period of disorganisation and disintegration, but it is a policy that in the process of work really furthers the rapprochement of trends which represent all that is strong, sound, and vital in the proletarian movement.
The part played by the conciliators during the period of counter-revolution may be described as follows. With immense efforts the Bolsheviks are pulling our Party waggon up a steep slope. The Golos liquidators are trying with all their might to drag it downhill again. In the waggon sits a conciliator; he is a picture of meekness. He has such an angelic sweet face, like that of Jesus. He looks the very incarnation of virtue. And modestly dropping his eyes and raising his hands he exclaims: "I thank thee, Lord, that I am not as these men are" -- a nod in the direction of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks -- "insidious factionalists who hinder all progress". But the waggon moves slowly forward and in the waggon sits the conciliator. When the Bolshevik factionalists smashed the liquidationist Central Committee Bureau Abroad, thereby clearing the ground for the building of a new house, for a bloc (or at least a temporary alliance)
of Party factions, the conciliators entered this house and (cursing the Bolshevik factionalists) sprinkled the new abode . . . with the holy water of sugary speeches about non-factionalism!
What would have become of the historically memorable work of the old Iskra, if, instead of waging a consistent, implacable, principled campaign against Economism and Struveism, it had agreed to some bloc, alliance or "fusion" of all groups large and small which were as numerous abroad in those days as they are today?
And yet the differences between our epoch and the epoch of the old Iskra considerably increase the harm done by unprincipled and phrase-mongering conciliationism.
The first difference is that we have risen to a far higher level in the development of capitalism and of the bourgeoisie as well as in the clarity of the class struggle in Russia. Certain objective soil already exists (for the first time in Russia) for the liberal labour policy of Potresov, Levitsky, Larin, and their friends. The Stolypin liberalism of the Cadets and the Stolypin labour party are already in process of formation. All the more harmful in practice are conciliationist phrases and intrigues with those groups abroad which support the liquidators.
The second difference is the immeasurably higher level of development of the proletariat, of its class-consciousness and class solidarity. All the more harmful is the artificial support given by the conciliators to the ephemeral petty groups abroad (Vperyod, Pravda, etc.), which have not created and are unable to create any trend in Social-Democracy.
The third difference is that during the Iskra period there were illegal organisations of Economists in Russia, which had to be smashed and split up in order to unite the revolutionary Social-Democrats against them. Today, there are no parallel illegal organisations; today it is only a question of fighting legal groups that have segregated themselves. And this process of segregation (even the conciliators are forced to admit it) is being hindered by the political game of the conciliators with the factions abroad that are unwilling to work and incapable of working for such demarcation.
Bolshevism has "got over" the otzovist sickness, the sickness of revolutionary phrase-mongering, the playing at "Leftism", the swinging from Social-Democracy to the left. The otzovists came out as a faction when it was no longer possible to "recall" the Social-Democrats from the Duma.
Bolshevism will also get over the "conciliationist" sickness, the wavering in the direction of liquidationism (for in reality the conciliators were always a plaything in the hands of the liquidators). The conciliators are also hopelessly behindhand. They came out as a faction after the domination of conciliationism had exhausted itself during the eighteen months following the Plenary Meeting and there was no one left to conciliate.
P.S. The present feuilleton was written more than a month ago. It criticises the "theory" of the conciliators. As for the "practice" of the conciliators, which found expression in the hopeless, absurd, futile, and shameful squabbles which fill the pages of the conciliators' and the Poles' Bulletin No. 2, it is not worth wasting a single word on.
 The Information Bulletin of the Technical Commission Abroad was published in Paris, two issues appearing (in August and October 1911). The conciliators made it their factional organ, in which they conducted an unscrupulous struggle against Bolshevism.
 This school was held in Capri, in 1909, and was the factional centre of the otzovists; it was organised by A. A. Bogdanov. See Note 15.
[Note 15: Factional school abroad -- the factional centre of the otzovists, ultimatumists and god-builders, who united for struggle against the Bolsheviks. It was organised in 1909 by A. Bogdanov (Maximov), G. Alexinsky and A. Lunacharsky on the Isle of Capri with the participation of Maxim Gorky. Using the Party as a screen Bogdanov's supporters persuaded a number of local Social-Democratic organisations to send thirteen students to the school, which lasted nearly four months (August-December). A split took place amongst the students in November and a group headed by the worker N. Y. Vilonov definitely dissociated themselves from Bogdanov's group. The Leninist students sent a protest to the Editorial Board of the newspaper
Proletary against the anti-Party behaviour of the lecturers and, as a result, were expelled from the school. At the end of November 1909 at Lenin's invitation they went to Paris and attended a course of lectures including his lectures on "The Present Situation and Our Tasks" and the "Agrarian Policy of Stolypin". Those students who remained at Capri together with the lecturers formed the anti-Party
Vperyod group in December 1909.]
 Ionov (F. M. Koigen) -- one of the Bund leaders.
 Lenin is referring to the resolution "On Liquidationism" adopted by the "Conference of Transcaucasian Social-Democratic Organisations", which was really a conference of Caucasian liquidators. The anti-Party nature of the "conference" was exposed in correspondence published in No. 24 of
Sotsial-Demokrat of October 18 (31), 1911.
 Rabochaya Zhizn (Workers' Life
) -- a monthly newspaper, organ of the Menshevik Golos group and the conciliators. It was published in Paris from February 21 (March 6) to April 18 (May 1), 1911. Three issues appeared.
 Hermann -- K. K. Danishevsky,
Arkady -- F. I. Kalinin.