all straw votes, such as that instituted by the newspaper Vek, or by the Shop Assistants' Union "Unity and Strength", have also confirmed this thesis).
That an agreement with the Cadets means the ideological and political hegemony of the Cadets over their allies is borne out by the whole political press and by the whole character of the negotiations. The Cadets dictate the terms. The Cadets publicly lay down the significance of the agreements (recall their comments on the Mensheviks and the Pop-
ular Socialists: "the moderate socialist parties", "the opposition bloc"). The Cadets are asked to agree to an equal distribution of seats as a maximum concession.
It is equally beyond doubt that an agreement between the Social-Democrats and the revolutionary-democratic parties means the hegemony of the Social-Democrats over the petty bourgeoisie. The Social-Democratic press has given an open, clear and all-round exposition of all its views, whereas the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Committee of the Trudovik Group have made no independent statement whatever on the question of agreements. The keynote is set by the Social-Democrats. The modification of their socialist views, of their class standpoint, is quite out of the question. When it comes to distributing the seats no one will think of offering them the smaller share. Their campaign in the workers' curia is proceeding quite independently, and is proving their preponderance.
Under such circumstances it would be simply absurd to be afraid to lead our revolutionary petty-bourgeois allies into battle against the Cadets. Under such circumstances we could even draw the Popular Socialists with us if the occasion required it. The principles of our Party would not suffer from this in the least: the political line would remain the same and the struggle against the leading party of the liberal-bourgeois conciliators would be waged with no less vigour. No sensible person would say that we were following the Popular Socialists (in conceding to them, together with the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Committee of the Trudovik Group, two seats out of six). On the contrary, it would be proof that the Social-Democrats were conducting a really independent campaign, and that we had deprived the Cadets of one of their appendages. Is it not obvious that if the semi-Cadets came on our list, their mobilisation against the Cadets would not merely not prejudice, but would, on the contrary, facilitate the task of fighting the latter?
The Conference of the St. Petersburg Social-Democratic organisation acted rightly in declaring openly and publicly its hostility towards the Popular Socialists. It was our duty to warn the revolutionary Trudoviks against such a pseudo-Trudovik party. If the revolutionary Trudoviks are
dependent on the Popular Socialist Party, which is formally an entirely independent party, let them say so publicly. It is most important for us to drag this fact into the light of day, to make them admit it, and to draw all the conclusions that follow from it in our agitation among the mass of the workers, among the whole people.
Whether we get Trudoviks of a better or worse quality as our allies in the fight against the Cadets in St. Petersburg, is a question that we shall decide in a purely practical way. We have formulated our principles. In any case we shall go into the fight independently. We have openly disclaimed responsibility for the least reliable Trudoviks and placed this responsibility on others.
The Left Cadets on Tovarishch tried to ridicule the Bolsheviks when the latter declared, as early as November, that three main parties were contending against each other in St. Petersburg: the Black Hundreds, the Cadets, and the Social-Democrats.
Rira bien qui rira le dernier (he who laughs last laughs best).
Our forecast has been proved correct.
There will be three lists for the Duma elections in St. Petersburg: the Black-Hundred, the Cadet and the Social Democratic.
Citizens, make your choice!
 The pamphlet "When You Hear the Judgement of a Fool. . . ." (From the Notes of a Social-Democratic Publicist) was printed in St. Petersburg in January 1907 by the
Novaya Duma Publishers at the legal Bolshevik print-shop Dyelo. Soon after, the police confiscated almost every copy. In 1912 the tsarist government banned the pamphlet.
 Tan (pseudonym of V. G. Bogoraz) -- one of the organisers of the semi-Cadet "Popular Socialist Party".
 In the article "A Russian at a Rendezvous", written on the basis of Turgenev's story,
Asya, Chernyshevsky branded the ineffectiveness, and divorce between words and deeds, of the Russian intelligentsia.
 Oblomov -- a Russian landlord, the central character in I. A. Goncharov's novel of that name. The name Oblomov has become synonymous with routine, stagnation and inertia.
 Ivan Ivanovich and Ivan Nikiforovich -- characters in Gogol's
Tale of How Ivan Ivanovich Quarrelled with Ivan Nikiforovich.
 Lenin quotes the words of Chatsky, the main character in Griboyedov's comedy
Wit Works Woe.
 Lenin quotes the final line of V. Y. Bryusov's poem
To Near Ones.
 Lenin is referring to the attempt of the Left-Cadet newspaper
Vek (Century ) to collect data on the sentiments of the electors. In its issue No. 5, January 9 (22), 1907, the newspaper published preliminary results of the voting by its readers: 765 persons voted for the Cadets and 407 for the Social-Democrats. The other parties received a negligible number of votes.