* Commonwealth of Labour. --Ed.
of Liebknecht and those of the Centre, which should not lumped together?
To side with Liebknecht implies: (1) attacking the main enemy in your own country; (2) exposing the social-patriots of your own country and (with your permission, Comrade Grimm!) not merely of other countries; combating them, and not uniting with them -- as you do -- against the Left Radicals; (3) openly criticising and exposing the weaknesses not only of the social-patriots, but also of the social-pacifists and Centrists of your own country; (4) utilising the parliamentary tribune to summon the proletariat to revolutionary struggle urging it to turn its weapons against its enemy; (5) circulating illegal literature and organising illegal meetings; (6) organising proletarian demonstrations such as, for instance, the demonstration on Potsdam Square in Berlin at which Liebknecht was arrested; (7) calling on the workers in the war industries to strike, as the Internationale group has done through its illegal leaflets; (8) openly demonstrating the need for complete "regeneration" of the present parties, which confine themselves to reformist activity; acting as Liebknecht acted; (9) unreservedly rejecting defence of the fatherland in an imperialist war; (10) fighting reformism and opportunism within the Social-Democratic movement all along the line; (11) just as relentlessly combating the trade union leaders, who in all countries, particularly Germany, England and Switzerland, are the vanguard of social-patriotism and opportunism, etc. .
Clearly, from this point of view much in the majority draft is subject to criticism. But that can be discussed only in a separate article. Here it is necessary to emphasise that the majority at any rate proposes certain steps in this direction, while Grimm attacks the majority not from the Left, but from the Right, not from Liebknecht's positions, but from those of the Centre.
Throughout his article Grimm confuses two fundamentally different questions: first, the question of when, at what precise moment, should one or another revolutionary action be carried out. Attempts to decide that question in advance are meaningless, and Grimm is only throwing dust in the workers' eyes when he reproaches the majority on this point.
Second question: how to refashion, transform a party now incapable of conducting a systematic, persistent and, under any concrete conditions, genuinely revolutionary struggle into a party capable of waging this struggle.
And that is the cardinal question. Here we have the very root of the whole controversy, of the whole struggle of trends, both on the war issue and on defence of the fatherland! But that is the very question Grimm tries to pass over in silence, gloss over, obscure. More: Grimm's explanations boil down to denying the very existence of this question.
Everything remains as of old -- that idea runs through his whole article. In this lies the most profound justification of the contention that the article speaks for the Centre. Everything remains as of old: only rejection of war credits and civil peace! Every intelligent bourgeois is bound to admit that, in the final analysis, this is not unacceptable to the bourgeoisie too: this does not threaten its domination, does not prevent it from prosecuting the war ("we submit" as the "minority of the country" -- these words of Grimm's have very far-reaching political implications, much more than would appear at first sight!).
And isn't it an international fact that the bourgeoisie itself, and its governments in the warring countries, primarily England and Germany, are persecuting only supporters of Liebknecht and are tolerating men of the Centre?
Forward, to the Left, even if this means the resignation of certain social-patriot leaders! This, in a few words, is the political point and purpose of the majority proposals.
Retreat from Zimmerwald to the Right, to social-pacifism, to positions of the Centre, to "peace" with the social-patriot leaders, no mass action, no revolutionising of the movement, no regeneration of the party! That is Grimm's point of view.
It is to be hoped that, at long last, it will open the eyes of the Swiss Left Radicals to his Centrist position.