* See present edition, Vol. 26, p. 103. --Ed. [Transcriber's Note: See Lenin's "Can the Bolsheviks Retain State Power?". -- DJR]
A brief enumeration of these "liberties" from the old minimum programme.
[Arming the workers and disarming the bourgeoisie.]
Transition through the Soviet state to the gradual abolition of the state by systematically drawing an ever greater number of citizens, and subsequently each and every citizen, into direct and daily performance of their share of the burdens of administering the state.
b) In the economic sphere:
Socialist organisation of production on the scale of the whole state: management by workers' organisations (trade unions, factory committees, etc.) under the general leadership of Soviet power, which alone is sovereign.
The same for transport and distribution (at first state monopoly of "trade", subsequently replacement, complete and final, of "trade" by planned, organised distribution through associations of trading and industrial office workers, under the leadership of Soviet power).
-- Compulsory organisation of the whole population in consumer and producer communes.
While not (for the time being) abolishing money and not prohibiting individual purchase and sale transactions by individual families, we must, in the first place, make it obligatory by law to carry out all such transactions through the consumer and producer communes.
-- An immediate start to be made on full realisation of universal compulsory labour service, with the most cautious and gradual extension of it to the small peasants who live by their own farming without wage labour;
the first measure, the first step towards universal compulsory labour service must be the introduction of consumers' work (budget) books (compulsory introduction) for all well-to-do ( = persons with an income over 500 rubles per month, and then for owners of enterprises with wage-workers, for families with servants, etc.).
Buying and selling is also permissible not through one's commune (during journeys, at markets, etc.), but with compulsory entry of the transaction (if above a definite sum) in the consumers' work book.
-- Complete concentration of banking in the hands of the state and of all financial operations of trade in the banks.
Standardisation of banking current accounts; gradual transition to the compulsory keeping of current accounts in the bank, at first by the largest, and later by all the country's enterprises. Compulsory deposit of money in the banks and transfer of money only through the banks.
-- Standardisation of accounting and control over all production and distribution of output; this accounting and control must be carried out at first by workers' organisations and subsequently by each and every member of the population.
-- Organisation of competition between the various (all) consumer and producer communes of the country for steady improvement of organisation, discipline and labour productivity, for transition to superior techniques, for economising labour and materials, for gradually reducing the working day to six hours, and for gradually equalising all wages and salaries in all occupations and categories.
-- Steady, systematic measures for (transition to Massenspeisung [*]) replacement of the individual domestic economy of separate families by joint catering for large groups of families.
In the educational sphere
the old items, plus.
In the financial sphere
replacement of indirect taxes by a progressive income and property tax, and equally by deduction of a (definite) revenue from state monopolies. In this connection, remittance in kind of bread and other products to workers employed by the state in various forms of socially necessary labour.
Support of the revolutionary movement of the socialist proletariat in the advanced countries in the first instance.
Propaganda. Agitation. Fraternisation.
Ruthless struggle against opportunism and social-chauvinism.
* public catering. --Ed.
Support of the democratic and revolutionary movement in all countries in general, and especially in the colonies and dependent countries.
Liberation of the colonies. Federation as a transition to voluntary fusion.
 The Extraordinary Seventh Congress of the R.C.P.(B.), the Communist Party's first Congress after the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, was held March 6-8, 1918 in the Taurida Palace in Petrograd to decide the question of concluding peace with Germany, over which a fierce internal controversy had sprung up within the Party.
Lenin and the members of the Central Committee who supported him were striving to bring Soviet Russia out of the imperialist war. The principles on which Lenin's position was based were most fully expressed in his
Theses on the Question of the Immediate Conclusion of a Separate and Annezationist Peace (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 442-50 [Transcriber's Note: See Lenin's "On the History of the Question of the Unfortunate Peace". --
DJR]). The conclusion of the Brest peace was opposed by a group of "Left Communists" led by N. I. Bukharin. L. D. Trotsky took up a position close to that of the "Left Communists". The "Left Communists", who held leading posts in the Moscow, Petrograd, Urals and some other Party organisations, launched a violent campaign against Lenin's policy. The Moscow Regional Bureau passed a resolution expressing distrust of the Party Central Committee and made what Lenin described as the "strange and monstrous" statement (see this volume, pp. 68-75 [Transcriber's Note: See Lenin's "Strange and Monstrous". --
DJR]) that it would be expedient in the interests of international revolution to "accept the possibility of losing Soviet power". The adventuristic slogans of the "Left Communists" were rejected by the majority of lower Party organisations. By the time the Congress took place Lenin's policy of concluding peace enjoyed the support of the majority of Party organisations.
Such were the conditions in which the Congress assembled. Of the delegates attending the Congress 47 had a vote and 59 had a voice but no vote; they represented over 170,000 Party members, including members of the big Party organisations -- Moscow, Petrograd, Urals and Volga Region. By the time the Congress opened the Party numbered nearly 300,000 members (50 per cent more than at the time of the Sixth Congress). But a considerable number of
organisations were unable to send delegates because of the haste with which the Congress was assembled, or were unable to do so because of the temporary occupation of various parts of the country by the Germans.
The agenda and procedure were considered on March 5 at a preliminary meeting of delegates. At this first meeting the Congress approved the following agenda: report of the Central Committee, the question of war and peace; revision of the Programme and changing the name of the Party; organisational matters; election of the Central Committee.
Lenin directed all the work of the Congress. He delivered the Central Committee's political report and the report on revision of the Programme and changing the name of the Party, and took part in discussing all questions on the agenda. Altogether he spoke 18 times.
After the Central Committee's political report the leader of the "Left Communists" Bukharin delivered the second report, in which he upheld the adventuristic demand for war with Germany.
Eighteen delegates took part in the hard-hitting debate on the two reports. Lenin was supported by Y. M. Sverdlov, F. A. Sergeyev (Artyom), I. T. Smilga, the delegate from Yaroslavl Rozanova, and others. Some of the "Left Communists" were moved by the force of Lenin's arguments to revise their position.
Having unanimously approved the Central Committee's report, the Congress went on to discuss the resolution on war and peace. The Congress rejected the "Theses on the Present Situation", which had been submitted as a resolution by the "Left Communists". A signed vote was taken and by 30 votes to 12 with 4 abstentions Lenin's resolution on the Brest peace was passed (see this volume, pp.
The Congress discussed the question of revising the Programme and changing the name of the Party. Lenin delivered a report on these subjects. The basis of his report was his "Rough Outline of the Draft Programme" (see this volume, pp. 152-58), which had been handed round to the delegates at the beginning of the Congress. Lenin pointed out that the name of the Party should reflect its aims, and proposed renaming the Party the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and altering its Programme. The Congress voted unanimously in favour of Lenin's resolution and approved his proposal for the name of the Party. The Congress elected a seven-man commission headed by Lenin to draw up the flnal version of the new Programme.
By a secret vote the Congress elected a Central Committee consisting of 15 members and 8 candidates. The "Left communists N. I. Bukharin, A. Lomov (G. I. Oppokov) and M. S. Uritsky, who were elected to the Central Committee, stated at the Congress that they would not work in the Central Committee, and did not begin work there for several months in spite of the insistent demanas of the Central Committee.
The Seventh Party Congress was of immense historical importance. It affirmed the correctness of the Leninist principles of the
foreign policy to be pursuedby the Soviet State, the policy of gaining a peaceful respite; it routed the disorganisers of the Party, the "Left Communists" and the Trotskyites, and set the Communist Party and the working class to solve the basic tasks of socialist construction. The decisions of the Congress were widely discussed in the local Party organisations and were generally approved in spite of the continued disrupting activities of the "Left Communists".
The Extraordinary Fourth All-Russia Congress of Soviets, which was held soon afterwards (March 14-16), ratified the Peace Treaty of Brest.
 On April 18,1917, Milyukov, the Foreign Minister of the bourgeois Provisional Government, circulated a Note to the Allied Powers stating that the Provisional Government would observe all the tsarist treaties and undertook to continue the imperialist war. On April 20 the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, on learning about Milyukov's Note, demonstrated in the streets with the slogans "All power to the Soviets" and "Down with war". On April 21 the Petrograd workers in response to a call made by the Bolshevik Party stopped work and held a demonstration. The chief demand of the 100,000 demonstrators was for peace. By confronting the broad masses with the question of "who to support?" and showing that only the working class by taking power could put an end to the war, the April demonstration hastened the development of the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution. The bourgeoisie replied to it with the new manoeuvre of forming a coalition government in which Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries participated.
 Lenin refers to the demonstration in Petrograd of July 3-4 (16-17), 1917. Spontaneous demonstrations against the Provisional Government began in Vyborg District on July 3 (16). The 1st Machine-Gun Regiment was the first to demonstrate. It was joined by other army units and factory workers. The demonstration threatened to develop into an armed attack on the Provisional
At this time the Bolshevik Party was against an armed uprising because it considered that the revolutionary crisis had not yet matured, that the army and the provinces were not ready to support an uprising in the capital. At a joint meeting of the Central Committee with the Petrograd Committee and the Military Organisation of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.) at 4 p. m. on July 3 (16), it was decided to refrain from armed actiom The Second Petrograd City Conference of Bolsheviks, which was being held simultaneously, took an analogous decision. The conference delegates went out to the factories and various districts of the city to restrain the masses from taking armed action. But the uprising had already begun and it could not be stopped.
Taking into account the mood of the massos, the Contral Committee in consultation with the Petrograd Committee and the Military Organisation decided late in the evening on July 3 (16) to
participate in the demonstration in order to give it an organised and peaceful character. Lenin, who was not in Petrograd at the time, came straight to the capital when he heard what was happening. He arrived in the morning on July 4 (17). More than 500,000 people took part in the demonstration of July 4 (17), which was conducted under the main slogan of the Bolsheviks, "All power to the Soviets".
With the knowledge and consent of the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary Central Executive Committee, detachments of officers and officer cadets were sent against the peacefully demonstrating workers and soldiers, and opened fire on the demonstrators. Counter-revolutionary military units were recalled from the front to smash the revolutionary movement.
On the night of July 4 (17) the Bolshevik Central Committee decided to halt the demonstration. Late at night Lenin visited the
Pravda editorial office to look at the current issue, half an hour after he left, the office was wrecked by a detachment of officer cadets and Cossacks.
The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, in effect, aided and abetted the counter-revolution. Having helped to smash the demonstration, they associated themselves with the bourgeoisie in attacking the Bolshevik Party. The Bolshevik newspapers
Pravda, Soldatskaya Pravda and others were banned by the Provisional Government. Mass arrests, searches and pogroms began. The revolutionary units of the Petrograd garrison were withdrawn from the capital and sent to the front.
After the July Days the counter-revolutionary Provisional Government took over complete control of the country and the Soviets were reduced to the role of a helpless appendage. The period of dual power was over, the peaceful state of the revolution was also over. The Bolsheviks were now faced with the task of preparing an armed uprising for the overthrow of the Provisional Government.
 Kornilov revolt -- a counter-revolutionary conspiracy organised in August 1917 by the Russian bourgeoisie and landowners and led by the tsarist general Kornilov. On August 25 Kornilov began with drawing troops from the front to march against Petrograd. In response to a Bolshevik appeal the common people rose against Kornilov. The workers of Petroerad took up arms and began to form detachments of Red Guards. The attempt at counter-revolution was quickly crushed and Kornilov himself arrested.
 The reference is to the defeatist position taken up by L. B. Kamenev, G. Y. Zinoviev, A. I. Rykov and certain other members of the Central Committee of the Party and the Soviet Government, who after the October Socialist Revolution supported the Socialist-Revolutionary demand for the setting up of a "homogeneous socialist government" (see present edition, vol. 26, pp. 275-82, 301-07 [Transcriber's Note: Pp. 275-82 consist of three brief items by Lenin: (1) "Speeches at a Meeting of ther Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P., November 1 (14), 1917," (2) "Resolution of the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P. on the Opposition within the Central Committee, November 2 (15), 1917," and (3) "Ultimatum from the Majority of the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P. to the Minority". Pp. 301-07 include two items by Lenin: (1) "From the Central Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks)" and (2) "From the Central Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks).
To All Party-Members and to All the Working Classes of Russia." --
 The April (Seventh) All-Russia Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.) was held in Petrograd April 24-29 (May 7-12), 1917. The conference was attended by 133 delegates with a vote and 18 delegates with a voice but no vote, representing 80,000 Party members. This was the first legal Bolshevik conference with the importance of a Party Congress.
The April Conference took Lenin's April Theses as the basis for its work, defined the Party line on all basic questions of the revolution and set the Party the aim of fighting for the developmentof the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution.
A. M. (1861-1918) was a tsarist general. At the end of 1917 and the beginning of 1918 he became one of the leaders of the monarchist counter-revolution and organiser of the Civil War against Soviet power on the River Don. When defeated in January 1918, he shot himself.
 This argument against the signing of the peace terms dictated by Germany was put forward by the "Left Communists" at a meeting of members of the Central Committee with Party workers on January 8 (21), 1918. V. V. Obolensky (N. Osinsky) asserted that "the German soldier will not agree to take part in an offensive", and Y. A. Preobrazhensky tried to prove that the German army was "technically incapable of advancing: winter, no roads . . .". The wrongness and harmfulness of such arguments was exposed by Lenin in his article "The Revolutionary Phrase" (see this volume, pp. 19-29).
 Soon after the publication of Lenin's Decree on Peace, which was passed by the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets, the Soviet Government sent a Note to the Entente powers proposing the immediate conclusion of an armistice on all fronts and the starting of peace negotiations. The refusal of the imperialists of the Entente to support the initiative of the Soviet Government and their active opposition to the conclusion of peace compelled the Council of People's Commissars to begin separate peace negotiations with Germany. After preliminary negotiations and the conclusion of an armistice, the peace conference opened at Brest-Litovsk on December 9 (22), 1917. It was attended by a delegation from Soviet Russia and a delegation from the powers of the Quadruple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey). At the conference the Soviet delegation made a declaration, based on the propositions of the Decree on Peace, setting forth proposals for the conclusion of a just and democratic peace without annexations and indemnities. After going through a series of manoeuvres, the delegation from the German bloc stated that the Soviet proposals were inacceptable and on January 5 (18), 1918 offered Soviet Russia onerous and predatory peace terms stipulating that Poland, Lithuania and parts of Latvia, Estonia, the Ukraine and Byelorussia should be placed under German control.
On January 8 (21), 1918 at a meeting between members of the Central Committee and Party workers Lenin gave detailed arguments proving the need to conclude peace even on these onerous terms. These arguments were expounded in his "Theses on the Question of the Immediate Conclusion of a Separate and Annexationist Peace" (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 442-44). Questions of war and peace were discussed at meetings of the Central Committee on January 11 (24), January 19 (February 1), January 21 (February 3), and on February 18, 22, 23 and 24, 1918. To prevent the collapse of the peace negotiations and to stop the adventuristic policy of the "Left Communists" and Trotsky being put into effect, Lenin got the Central Committee of the Party to pass a decision on the need for sustaining the peace negotiations for as long as possible and signing the peace terms only if the Germans should present an ultimatum. On January 27 (February 9), however, when the Germans demanded in the form of an ultimatum that the Soviet delegation should sign the peace terms they had proposed on January 5 (18), Trotsky, who was leading the Soviet delegation at this stage, ignored the Central Committee's decision and in spite of Lenin's demand refused to sign the peace treaty while stating simultaneously that Russia would cease waging war and would demobilise her army.
The German imperialists took advantage of this. On February 18, German troops broke the armistice agreement and launched an offensive all along the Russo-German front. The same day, on Lenin's insistence the Party Central Committee passed a decision to sign the peace treaty with Germany. But on February 22, imperialist Germany presented a fresh ultimatum stipulating even more onerous and humiliating peace terms: in addition to the territory they had occupied the Germans demanded that Soviet Russia should cede provinces of Latvia and Estonia that were not in German hands, and that she should conclude peace wlth the Ukrainian Central Rada, withdraw Soviet troops from the Ukraine and Finland, pay Germany a huge indemnity and demobilise her army. On February 23 the Central Committee came out in favour of Lenin's proposal to conclude peace immediately on the terms proposed by Germany. On the morning of February 24, the All-Russia Central Executive Committee and then the Council of People's Commissars decided to accept the new peace terms, and this was immediately made known to the German Government. On March 1, 1918 the peace negotiations were reopened and the Peace Treaty was signed on March 3.
The revolution in Germany of November 1918 deposed Kaiser Wilhelm II and the Soviet Government was able to annul the Treaty of Brest.
 The Soviet Government published the secret diplomatic papers and the secret treaties between the tsarist government (and subsequently the bourgeois Provisional Government) of Russia and the governments of Britain, Franco, Italy, Japan, Austria-Hungary and otber imperialist powers, On November 10 (23), 1917
the newspapers began publishing these secret diplomatic papers and treaties, which afterwards appeared in the
Collections of Secret Documents from the Archives of the Former Ministry for Foreign Affairs. Seven of these collections came out between December 1917 and February 1918.
 The reference is to the signed oath of loyalty to the tsar that was obligatory for deputies of the Third State Duma. Since refusal to take this oath meant losing the platform in the Duma that was needed to mobilise the proletariat for revolutionary struggle, the Social-Democrat deputies signed the oath along with the rest of the members of the Duma.
 The term "fleld revolution on a world-wide scale" was used by V. V. Obolensky (N. Osinsky) in the "Theses on the Question of War and Peace", which he wrote for the meeting of the Party Central Committee on January 21 (February 3), 1918 and published on March 14 in the "Left Communist" newspaper
Kommunist No. 8. Explaining what he meant by this term, Obolensky wrote: "Revolutionary war, as a field civil war, cannot resemble in character the regular military actions of national armies when they are carrying out strategic operations. . . . Military action assumes the character of guerrilla warfare (analogous to barricade fighting) and is mixed with class agitation."
Max (1869-1927) -- German general and prominent figure in German reactionary militarist circles. In September 1916 he became Chief of Staff and, in effect, was in command of the German forces on the Eastern front. He played a prominent part in the Brest negotiations between Soviet Russia and the Austro-German coalition.
Liebknecht, Karl (1871-1919) -- an outstanding figure in the German working-class movement, one of the founders of the Communist Party of Germany and a leader of the uprising of the Berlin workers in January 1919. After the suppression of the uprising he was brutally murdered by counter-revolutionaries.
 Putilov workers -- those employed at the Putilov Works in Petrograd.
 Lenin appears to be referring to the period between the launching of the German offensive, on February 18, and the arrival of the Soviet delegation in Brest-Litovsk on February 28, 1918. The German offensive continued until March 3, the day the peace treaty was signed.
 The revolution in Finland which began on January 27, 1918 in response to a call from the leaders of the Social-Democratic Party of Finland, deposed Svinhufvud's bourgeois government and placed power in the hands of the workers. On January 29 a revolutionary government of Finland was set up in the shape of the
Council of People's Representatives, which included E. Gylling, O. W. Kuusinen, Y. Sirola, A. Taimi and othcrs. This government's most important acts were the passing of a law making land less peasants sole owners of the land they tilled, the freeing of the poorest sections of the population of all taxes the expropriation of enterprises belonging to owners who had fled the country, and the setting up of state control over private banks.
The proletarian revolution was victorious, however, only in the south of Finland. The Svinhufvud government made good its losses in the north of the country, where a build-up of counter-revolutionary forces took place, and appealed to the government of Kaiser Germany for aid. On May 2, 1918 German armed forces intervened and the workers' revolution was crushed after a bitter civil was lasting three months. During the White Terror that ensued thousands of revolutionary workers and peasants were executed or tortured to death in prison.
 This refers to the resolution passed by the Moscow Regional Bureau of the R.S.D.L.P. on February 24, 1918. For a criticism of this anti-Party document see Lenin's article "Strange and Monstrous" (see this volume, pp. 68-75).
 Lenin is referring to his conversation with the French officer, the Comte de Lubersac, which took place on February 27, 1918.
 The reference is to the appeal of the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs, which called upon all workers and peasants to take up voluntary military training. Military training had to be made voluntary because the Russian Army under the terms of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was to be completely demobilised. The appeal was published on March 5, 1918 in the newspaper
Izvestia VTsIK No. 40.
 Canossa -- castle in Northern Italy. In 1077, the Roman Emperor Henry IV, who had been defeated by Pope Gregory VII, stood for three days in the robes of repentance before the gates of this castle in order to save himself from excommunication and regain his power as emperor. Hence the phrase "to go to Canossa", i.e., to humiliate oneself before a person whom one has previously resisted.
 According to the terms of the armistice concluded on December 2 (15), 1917 at Brest-Litovsk between the Soviet Government and the powers of the Quadruple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey), either side could renew hostilities at seven days' notice. The German military command broke this condition by launching an offensive along the whole front on February 18, two days after denouncing the armistice.
 According to Clause VI of the Treaty of Brest, signed on March 3, 1918 Russia undertook to conclude peace with the counter-revo-
lutionary Ukrainian Central Rada. The peace negotiations between the Soviet Government and the Rada did not take place, however. On April 29, 1918 the German occupation forces in collusion with the Constitutional-Democrat and Octobrist bourgeoisie engineered a coup in the Ukraine. The Rada was overthrown and replaced by the dictatorial regime of Hetman Skoropadsky. Negotiations between Soviet Russia and the Skoropadsky government began on May 23 and an armistice was signed on June 14, 1918.
 Left Socialist-Revolutionaries (Internationalists) officially became a party at their First All-Russia Congress, held November 19-28 (December 2-11), 1917. They had previously existed as the Left wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, which took shape during the First World War and was led by M. A. Spiridonova, B. D. Kamkov and M. A. Natanson (Bobrov). At the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries had a majority in the Socialist-Revolutionary group, which was split over the question of participation in the Congress. The Right Socialist-Revolutionaries, obedient to the instructions of the Socialist-Revolutionary Central Committee, walked out of the Congress, but the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries stayed on and voted with the Bolsheviks on the main points on the agenda; they rejected, however, the Bolsheviks' offer of posts in the Soviet Government.
After considerable wavering the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, anxious to maintain their influence with the peasants, decided to co-operate with the Bolsheviks and were given posts on the boards of various People's Commissariats. One of the leaders of the party, A. L. Kolegayev, was appointed People's Commissar for Agriculture. Though they co-operated with the Bolsheviks, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries dissented on the basic issues of the construction of socialism and opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat. In January and February 1918 the Central Committee of the Left Socialist-Revolutionary Party launched a campaign against the conclusion of the Brest Peace Treaty. When the treaty was signed and ratifled by the Fourth Congress of Soviets in March 1918, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries withdrew from the Council of People's Commissars but remained on the boards of the People's Commissariats and in local government bodies. As the socialist revolution progressed in the countryside, anti-Soviet feelings emerged among the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries. In July 1918 the Left S.R. Central Committee organised the assassination of the German Ambassador in Moscow in the hope of provoking war between Soviet Russia and Germany, and launched an armed revolt against Soviet power. After the suppression of the revolt the Fifth All-Russia Congress of Soviets passed a decision expelling from the Soviets all Left Socialist-Revolutionaries who shared the views of their leadership.
 March 12 was the provisional date for the assembly of the Extraordinary Fourth All-Russia Congress of Soviets to decide the ques-
tion of ratifying the peace treaty. The Congress was held March 14-16, 1918.
 The resolution on war and peace was passed on March 8 at the morning session of the Party Congress. On Lenin's proposal, which was affirmed by the Congress, the resolution was not made public. It was first published on January 1, 1919 in the workers' daily
Kommunar, which was issued by the Central Committee of the R.C.P.(B.) in Moscow from October 9, 1918 to June 1, 1919.
The last three paragraphs of the resolution were written bv G. Y. Sokolnikov and G. Y. Zinoviev.
 During the discussion of Lenin's resolution on war and peace L. D. Trotsky, supported by the "Left Communists", proposed amendments forbiddlng the Soviet Government from concluding peace with the Ukrainian Central Rada and the Finnish bourgeois government. After Lenin's speech against the attempts by Trotsky and the "Left Communists" to restrict the Central Committee's freedom of manoeuvre, the Congress voted down the amendments.
 K. Radek made a statement on behalf of the group of "Left Communists", in which he tried to continue the polemic over the question of war and peace.
 G. Y. Zinoviev proposed instructing the new Central Committee to find a form for the publication of the resolution on war and peace. Zinoviev's amendment was not accepted; by a majority vote the Congress affirmed Lenin's proposed addition to the resolution.
 The question of revising the Party Programme was put forward by Lenin after the bourgeois-democratic revolution of February 1917. In his "Rough Draft for the Fifth
Letter from Afar " he defined the basic directions in which the Programme should be changed, and added that "this work must be started at once". Lenin developed the propositions contained in this draft in his April Theses, in his report on the question of revising the Party Programme at the Seventh (April) All-Russia Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.) and in other documents (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 277-79 [Transcriber's Note: See below Lenin's
Materials Relating to the Revision of the Party Programme. --
DJR]). For the April Conference Lenin wrote the "Proposed Amendments to the Doctrinal, Political and Other Sections of the Programme", which contained a number of amendments to the R.S.D.L.P. Programme of 1903 (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 459-63 [Transcriber's Note: See below Lenin's
Materials Relating to the Revision of the Party Programme. --
DJR]). The proofs of this draft were handed out to delegates to the April Conference, which gave the Central Committee two months to draw up a draft Party Programme for the Sixth Party Congress.
The Sixth Congress of the R.S.D.I,.P.(B.), which sat from July 26 to August 3 (August 8-16), 1917, endorsed the decision of the April Conference on the need to revise the Programme and instruct-
ed the Central Committee to organise a broad discussion on the problems involved (see
The C.P.S.U. in the Resolutions and Decisions of Congresses, Conferences and Plenums of the Central Committee, Part I, Russ. ed., 1954, pp. 387-88). Before the Congress opened, in June 1917 a pamphlet prepared by Lenin on the Central Committee's instructions and called
Materials Relating to the Revision of the Party Programme, was published; it contained all the Programme materials in the possession of the Central Committee. Almost simultaneously the Regional Bureau of the Moscow Industrial Area of the R.S.D.L.P. published "Materials Relating to the Revision of the Party Programme. Collected Articles by V. Milyutin, G. Sokolnikov, A. Lomov and V. Smirnov". A theoretical discussion developed within the Party in the summer and autumn of 1917. A critical analysis of the articles that had appeared in the periodical press and the Moscow collection was given by Lenin in his article "Revision of the Party Programme", published in October 1917, in the magazine
Prosveshcheniye No. 1-2 (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 149-78).
After several discussions on the question of tho Party Programme, the Central Committee at a meeting on October 5 (18), 1917 set up under Lenin's chairmanship a commission to revise the Party Programme for the next Party Congress which was due to be held in the autumn of 1917. Eventually, by a decision of the Central Committee of January 24 (February 6), 1918 the drafting of the new Programme was entrusted to a new commission also headed by Lenin. Lenin wrote the "Rough Outline of the Draft Programme", which was handed out to the delegates to the Seventh Congress as material for discussion. The Congress did not, however, discuss the Programme in detail; the drafting of the final version was entrusted to a seven-man commission elected by the Congress. The commission was headed by Lenin. The Congress charged the commission to be guided in its revision of the Programme by the instructions laid down in Lenin's resolution, which had been unanimously adopted by the Congress (see this volume, pp.
140-41). The new, second Party Programme was passed only by the Eighth Congress of the R.C.P.(B.) in March 1919.
The question of changing the name of the, Party had been raised by Lenin as early as 1914, at the beginning of the First World War (see present edition, Vol. 21, p. 93 [Transcriber's Note: See Lenin's "A German Voice on the War". --
DJR]). Lenin showed why this was necessary in his April Theses [Transcriber's Note: See Lenin's "The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution". --
DJR] and in the pamphlet The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 24 and 84-88) and in a number of other works and speechs in 1917. In the April Theses Lenin wrote: "Instead of 'Social-Democracy', whose official leaders
throughout the world have betrayed socialism and deserted to the bourgeoisie (the 'defencists' and the vacillating 'Kautskyites'), we must call ourselves the
This question was not considered at the April Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.) of 1917 or at the Sixth Party Congress. The decision to change the name of the Party was taken only at the Seventh Party Congress, at which Lenin made a report on the subject.
 Lenin is referring to a proposition put forward by Engels in a letter to August Bebel of March 18-28, 1875 (see Karl Marx and Frederick Engels,
Selected Correspondence, 1953, p. 357).
 The reference is to the symposia
Materials Relating to the Revision of the Party Programme. Edited and with an Introduction by N. Lenin, Petrograd, Priboi Publishers, 1917 (see present edition, Vol. 24, pp. 455-79) and
Materials Relating to the Revision of the Party Programme. Collected Articles by V. Milyutin, G. Sokolnikov, A. Lomov und V. Smirnov. Published by the Regional Bureau of the Moscow Industrial Area of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.), 1917.
 Prosveshcheniye (Enlightenment
) -- a Bolshevik theoretical monthly magazine, set up on Lenin's initiative, started coming out legally in St. Petersburg in December 1911. Its circulation was sometimes as many as 5,000 copies. While in exile abroad, Lenin directed the work of the magazine, edited articles and kept up a regular correspondence with members of the editorial board. The magazine published a number of his works, including
The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism,
Critical Remarks on the National Question, and
The Right of Nations to Self-Determination. On the eve of the First World War, in June 1914, the magazine was banned by the tsarist government. In the autumn of 1917 publication was resumed, but only one, double issue, No. 1-2 (September-October), appeared. It contained Lenin's article "Revision of the Party Programme".
 Spartak (Spartacus) -- the theoretical magazine of the Moscow Regional Bureau of the Moscow Committee and (as from the second issue) of the Moscow Area Committee of the R.S.D.L.P. It was published in Moscow from May 20 (June 2) to October 29 (November 11), 1917.
 Lenin is giving an account of
Introduction to Borkheim's Pamphlet "In Memory of the German Arch-Patriots of 1806-1807", written by Engels on December 15, 1887 (Marx/Engels,
Werke, Band 21, S. 351, Dietz Verlag, Berlin, 1962). Lenin refers more fully to Engels's propositions in the article "Prophetic Words" (see this volume, pp. 494-99).
 Chemnitz Congress of the German Social-Democrats, of September 15-21, 1912, passed a resolution "On Imperialism", in which it described the policy of the imperialist states as a "barefaced policy of robbery and aggression" and called on the working class "to fight with redoubled energy against imperialism until it is overthrown".
Basle Extraordinary International Socialist Congress (November 24-25, 1912) unanimously adopted a manifesto calling on the workers of all countries to wage a resolute flght for peace and to "pit against the might of capitalist imperialism the internation-
al solidarity of the working class". The manifesto recommended that if imperialist war broke out, socialists should use the economic and political crisis it would cause in the struggle for a socialist revolution.
During the world imperialist war of 1914-18 the leaders of the Social-Democratic parties in the countries of Western Europe broke the decisions of the international socialist congresses, aescended to positions of social-chauvinism and sided with their imperialist governments. Lenin exposed this betrayal by the leaders of the Second International in his works
The Collapse of the Second International, and
Socialism and War (see present edition, Vol. 21, pp. 205-65, 295-338) and elsewhere.
 Lenin has in mind the revolutionary government of Finland -- the Council of People's Representatives -- set up on January 29, 1918 after the overthrow of Svinhufvud's bourgeois government. In addition to the Council of People's Representatives there was also the Main Council of Workers' Organisations, which was the supreme organ of government. State power was based on the "seims of workers' organisations', which were elected by the organised
Lenin's conclusion that the Soviets were not the only form of the dictatorship of the proletariat was subsequently fully confirmed. After the Second World War a new form of dictatorship of the proletariat arose in a number of countries of Europe and Asia. This was people's democracy, which reflected the distinctive development of socialist revolution at a time when imperialism had been weakened and the balance of forces had tilted in favour of socialism" (Programme of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Moscow, 1961, p. 20).
 Nationalisation of the land in Soviet Russia was brought about by the Decree on Land of October 26 (November 8), 1917, which announced the expropriation of the landed estates and abolished private ownership of land. After the victory of the October Socialist Revolution the Soviet Government gradually nationalised industry and the basic means of production. By the spring of 1918 the largest metallurgical and machine-building works of Petrograd, Moscow and other districts, and the mining industry of the Urals and the Donets Basin had become public property. In May 1918, such important branches of industry as oil and sugar began to be nationalised. At the same time the Soviet Government was preparing to nationalise all large-scale industry, and a decree to this effect was issued on June 28, 1918.
 The decree on the nationalisation of the banks, which was based on Lenin's draft, was endorsed by the All-Russia Central Executive Commitlee on December 14 (27), 1917 and published on December 15 (28) in
Izvestia TsIK No. 252 (see Decrees of the Soviet Government, Russ. ed., Vol. 1, 1957, pp. 225-30).
 The Decree on Land of October 26 (November 8). 1917 and the Fundamental Law on the Socialisation of the Land of January 18 (31), 1918 envisaged equalitarian distribution of the land ("according to a labour or subsistence standard"), a demand which had been put forward by the peasantry. This was a concession on the part of the Soviet Government to the middle peasant and it was aimed at consolidating the alliance of the working class and the peasantry. At the same time the law on the socialisation of the land proposed "the development of collective farming as the most profitable with regard to economising labour and produce, at the expense of individual farms and with the aim of going over to a socialist economy".
 At the beginning of 1918 the Bureau of International Revolutionary Propaganda of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs started publishing the Decree on Land in foreign languages. In February 1918 the decree was published in Petrograd in English in the book
Decrees Issued by the Revolutionary People's Government, Vol. 1, Petrograd, February 1918.
 The "last speaker" was the delegate to the Congress for the Petrograd Party organisation Y. G. Fenigstein (Doletsky). On the grounds that the draft programme had not been discussed in the Party organisations, he proposed setting up at the Congress a commission to consider Lenin's draft and to work out a programme for the next Congress.
 This appears to be a reference to a conversation with the leader of the Swedish Left Social-Democratic Party Höglund, who visited Soviet Russia in February 1918.
 In a speech at the Congress Y. Larin proposed including in the name of the Party the word "workers'". His amendment was rejected by the Congress.
 Marx and Engels,
Selected Works, Vol. I, Moscow 1958, pp. 43-44.
 The "last speaker" was R. A. Pelshe, who proposed removing from the Party Programme the proposition on using the parliamentary struggle. His amendment was rejected by the Congress.
 Bukharin's proposal, which the Congress rejected, was that the theoretical part of the Programme should include an extensive description of socialism and communism and an indication that the state would wither away in the very near future. His proposition on the withering away of the state was connected with his theoretically incorrect and semi-anarchistic attitude concerning the problem of the state which Lenin had pointed out as early as 1916. Criticising Bukharin's mistaken thesis that the Social-Demo-
crats should stress their fundamental hostility to the state in general, Lenin wrote that Bukharin had "absolutely wrongly" defined the difference between Marxists and anarchists over the question of the state (see present edition, Vol. 35, "To N. Bukharin). Lenin also criticised Bukharin's theory of the state in his notes on Bukharin's articles on the state and on Bukharin's book
The Economics of the Transitional Period (see V. I. Lenin, "Notes on the Articles by N. I. Bukharin on the State", Russ. ed., Moscow, 1933, and
Lenin Miscellany XI, pp. 345-403). Posing the question of the withering away of the state as a short-term aim, soon after the victory of the October Revolution, meant, in effect, weakening the new state based on the dictatorship of the proletariat.
 When the new Central Committee was elected the "Left Communists" refused to serve on it. On behalf of a group of "Left Communists" M. S. Uritsky stated at the Congress that they would not serve on the Central Committee because they did not wish to take responsibility for the policy it was conducting. The "Left Communists" even refused to vote during the election of the Central Committee. The Congress voted its condemnation of this disruptive step and passed a decision that the Party organisations that had delegated the "Left Communists" were to be informed of their conduct. When it met this resistance from the Congress, the group took part in the voting and the Congress rescinded its decision.
The Congress voted in favour of Lenin's resolution condemning the "Left Communists'" refusal to serve on the Central Committee (see this volume, p.
151). In the belief that they would submit to Party discipline, the Congress elected their representatives (N. I. Bukharin, A. Lomov and M. S. Uritsky) to the Central Committee. All three, however, demonstratively stated before the Congress that they refused to serve on the Central Committee. The refusal was not accepted and the Congress decided without a debate to postpone the question of providing deputies in place of the elected "Left Communists" until the Central Committee met.
After the Party Congress and the Extraordinary Fourth All-Russia Congress of Soviets, which ratified the peace treaty with Germany, the "Left Communists", in spite of the Central Committee's insistent demands, refused to begin work for several months. For Lenin's appraisal of the disruptive activities of the "Left Communists" after the Seventh Party Congress see "Comment on the Behaviour of the 'Left Communists'" (this volume, p. 202).