MARXIST INTERNET ARCHIVE |  V. I. Lenin

V. I. Lenin

A CARICATURE OF MARXISM
    NOTES

      [19] See Note No. 17. [Transcriber's Note: See "Reply to P. Kievsky (Y. Pyatakov)". -- DJR]    [p.28]

      [20] Iskrists -- supporters of Lenin's newspaper Iskra, the most consistent revolutionary Social-Democrats.
        Iskra -- the first all-Russian illegal Marxist newspaper founded in December 1900, published abroad and secretly sent into Russia. It was taken over by the Mensheviks in 1903, and beginning with No.52 ceased to be the organ of revolutionary Marxism. It came to be known as the new Iskra as distinct from the old, Bolshevik Iskra.    [p.28]

      [21] The Bulygin Duma derived its name from Minister of the Interior A. C. Bulygin, who drafted the act for its convocation and the regulations governing the elections. The Duma was intended to be an advisory body under the tsar. The Bolshevlks called for an active boycott of the Duma and concentrated their propaganda on the following slogans: armed uprising, revolutlonary army, provisional revolutionary government. They used the boycott campaign to mobili.se all the revolutionary forces. carry. out mass political strikes and prepare an armed uprising. The natlon-wide general political strike of October 1905 and the mounting wave of revolution prevented the elections and the Duma was never convened. Lenin discusses the Bulygin Duma in his articles: "The Constitutional Market-Place", "The Boycott of the Bulygin Duma and Insurrection", "Oneness of the Tsar and the People, and of the People and the Tsar", "In the Wake of the Monarchist Bourgeoisie, or in the Van of the Revolutionary Proletariat and Peasantry?" (see present edition, Vol. 8, pp. 35l-55; Vol. 9, pp. 179-87,191-99, 212-29).    [p.28]

      [22] Reference is to the otzovists and ultimatumists.
        Otzovitts -- an opportunist group composed of A. A. Bogdanov, G. A. Alexinsky, A. V. Sokolov (S. Volsky), A. V. Lunacarsky, M. N. Lyadov and others, which emerged among a section of the Bolsheviks in 1908. Under cover of revolutionary phrases they demanded the recall (the Russian word otozvat means recall) of the

    page 384

    Social-Democratic members of the Third Duma. They also refused to work in legal organisations -- the trade unions, co-operatives and other mass organisations -- contending that in conditions of rampant reaction the Party must confine itself exclusively to illegal activity. The otzovists did immense damage to the Party. Their policy would have isolated the Party from the masses and, in the end, would have turned it into a sectarian organisation.
        Ultimatumism -- a variety of otzovism, from which it differed only in form. The ultimatumists proposed that the Social-Democratic Duma members be presented with an ultimatum -- either they fully submit to the decisions of the Party Central Committee or be recalled from the Duma. The ultimatumists failed to appreciate the need for painstaking work to help the Social-Democratic deputies overcome their mistakes and adopt a consistent revolutionary line. Ultimatumism was, in fact, disguised otzovism. Lenin called the ultimatumists "bashful otzovists".    [p.28]

      [23] Die Neue Zeit (New Times ) -- theoretical organ of the German Social Democratic Party, published in Stuttgart from 1883 to 1923; edited by Karl Kautsky up to October 1917 and after that by H. Cunow. Die Neue Zeit was the first to publish several works of Marx and Engels. Engels helped the magazine by his advice and not infrequently criticised it for deviating from Marxism. After Engels's death in 1895, Die Neue Zeit threw its pages open to articles by Eduard Bernstein and other revisionists. It published Bernstein s "Problems of Socialism", which became the starting-point of a revisionist campaign against Marxism. In the First World War Die Neue Zeit took a Centrist position and gave factual support to the social-chauvinists.    [p.35]

      [24] The Internationale Group -- a revolutionary organisation of Left German Social-Democrats, founded in the early days of the First World War by Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Franz Mehring Clara Zetkin, Julian Marchlewski, Léon Jogiches (Tyszka) and Wilhelm Pieck. In April 1915, Rosa Luxemburg and Franz Mehring started the Internationale magazine, which served to unite the core of the Left forces in Germany. A national conference of these forces was held in Berlin on January 1, 1916, and of officially inaugurated the Internationale group. It also adopted its platform of "Basic Principles" ("Leitsätze"), drawn up by Rosa Luxemburg in co-operation with Liebknecht, Mehring and Clara Zetkin. In 1915 the group issued a number of political leaflets and in 1916 began illegal publication of its Political Letters signed Spartacus (they appeared regularly up to October 1918), and the group came to be known by that name.
        It conducted mass revolutionary propaganda, organised mass anti-war demonstrations, directed strike struggles and exposed the imperialist nature of the world war and the treachery of the opportunist Social-Democratic leaders. However, the Spartacus group made serious mistakes on questions of theory and policy: they negated the possibility of national liberation wars in the imperialist

    page 385

    era, were inconsistent on the question of turning the imperialist war into a civil war, underestimated the vanguard role of the proletarian party, and did not work for a decisive break with the opportunists.
        In April 1917 the group joined the Centrist Independent Social-Democratic Party of Germany as an organisationally autonomous unit, but broke with the Independents following the November 1918 Revolution in Germany and organised the Spartacus League. It published its programme on December 14, 1918 and at its inaugural Congress (December 30, 1918-January 1, 1919) founded the Communist Party of Germany. Lenin repeatedly criticised the errors and inconsistency of the German Left Social-Democrats, but had a high regard for their revolutionary activity.    [p.37]

      [25] Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata was founded by Lenin and published by the newspaper Sotsial-Demokrat. Two issues appeared, in October and December 1916 (see also Note 17 [Transcriber's Note: See "Reply to P. Kievsky (Y. Pyatakov)". -- DJR]).    [p.37]

      [26] The quotation is from Engels's The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (see Marx and Engels, Selected Works, Vol II, Moscow, 1962, p. 321).    [p.46]

      [27] This is from Engels's Anti-Dühring, Moscow, 1959, pp. 63-64.    [p.55]

      [28] Fracy ("Revolutionary Faction") -- the Right wing of the Polish Socialist Party (P.S.P.), a reformist nationalist party founded in 1892 and led by Pilsudski. While advocating independence for Poland, the P.S.P. conducted separatist nationalist propaganda among the Polish workers, endeavouring to discourage them from joint struggle with the Russian workers against the autocracy and capitalism.
        In 1906 the party split into the Left P.S.P. and Right P.S.P. or Fracy. The latter continued the P.S.P. nationalist and chauvinist policy before, during and after the First World War.    [p.57]

      [29] Reference is to Engels's letter to Kautsky of September 12, 1882. Lenin cites it in his article "The Discussion on Self-Determination Summed Up" (see present edition, Vol. 22, pp. 352-53).    [p.59]

      [30] Junius was the pen-name of Rosa Luxemburg. [Transcriber's Note: For Lenin's criticisms of Rosa Luxumberg's position on the National Question see "The Junius Pamphlet" and, most especially, " The Right of Nations to Self-Determination". -- DJR]    [p.62]

      [31] Golos (The Voice ) -- a Menshevik daily paper published in Paris from September 1914 to January 1915, with Trotsky playing a leading part in its editorship. The first five issues appeared under the title Nash Golos (Our Voice ). Followed a Centrist policy and in the early days of the First World War published L. Martov's articles against the social-chauvinists. Subsequently Martov shifted to the right and the paper's policy changed in favour of the social-chauvinists. In January 1915 it was replaced by Nashe Slovo (Our Word ).

     

        The Organising Committee -- the leading Menshevik centre inauguarated at the August 1912 Conference of liquidators. In the First World War the Organising Committee followed a social-chauvinist policy, justified tsarist Russia's part in the war and carried on jingoist propaganda. Published a magazine Nasha Zarya (Our Dawn ) and, after its closure, Nashe Dyelo (Our Cause ), later renamed Dyelo, and the newspaper Rabocheye Utro (Workers' Morning ), later renamed Utro. The O. C. functioned up to the elections of the Menshevik Central Committee in August 1917. Besides the O. C. which operated inside Russia, there was a Secretariat Abroad composed of five secretaries -- P. B. Axelrod, I. S. Astrov-Poves, Y. O. Martov, A. S. Martynov and S. Y. Semkovsky. It followed a pro-Centrist line and used internationalist phraseology to cover up its support of the Russian social-chauvinists. The Secretariat Abroad published a newspaper, Izvestia (News ), which appeared from February 1915 to March 1917.
        Semkovsky's article "Russia Disintegrating?", to which Lenin evidently reters, appeared in Nashe Slovo No. 45, March 21. 1915.    [p.73]