None of the incidents or dialogue in The Great Conspiracy has been invented by the authors. The material has been drawn from various documentary sources which are indicated in the text or listed in the Bibliographical Notes.
THE propaganda myth of the "menace of Bolshevism" had put Nazism in power. Under the pretext of saving Germany from Communism, Adolf Hitler had risen from an obscure Austrian corporal and Reichswehr spy to become Chancellor of the German Reich. On the night of February 27, 1933, Hitler rose even higher by means of a supreme act of provocation: the burning of the German Reichstag. The fire, set by the Nazis themselves, was proclaimed by Hitler to be the signal for a Communist uprising against the Government of Germany. With this excuse, the Nazis declared a state of emergency, imprisoned or murdered leading anti-fascists, and smashed the trade-unions. Out of the charred ruins of the Reichstag, Hitler emerged as Der Fuehrer of the "Third Reich.
The Third Reich replaced the White Counterrevolution of Czarism as the world's bulwark of reaction and anti-democracy. Nazism was the apotheosis of the Counterrevolution, equipped with the tremendous industrial and military resources of resurgent German Imperialism. Its political creed was a resurrection of the dark hatreds and fanatical prejudices of Czarism. Its Storm Troops were the old Black Hundreds reborn and raised to the status of a regular military apparatus. Mass pogroms and extermination of whole peoples were part of the official program of the Government of the Third Reich. The Protocols of Zion provided the Nazi ideology. The Nazi leaders themselves were the spiritual offspring of the Baron Wrangels and Ungerns of the White Terror in Russia.
The fifteen years of the false peace and the secret war against world democracy and progress under the slogan of "anti-Bolshevism" had borne their inevitable fruit. The flames that burned the Reichstag were soon to spread and multiply until they menaced the entire globe. . . .
"We start anew where we terminated six centuries ago," wrote Hitler in Mein Kampf. "We reverse the eternal Germanic emigration to the South and West of Europe and look Eastwards. In this way we bring to an end the colonial and trade policies of the pre-War times and pass over to the territorial policy of the future. If we speak of new soil we can but think first of Russia and her subject border states."
The lure of "anti-Bolshevism" drew as by a powerful magnet the forces of world reaction and imperialism to the support of Adolf Hitler.
The same statesmen and militarists who had formerly supported every White intrigue and conspiracy against Soviet Russia now emerged as the chief apologists and promoters of Nazism. In France, the anti-Bolshevik circle which had surrounded Marshal Foch and his former aides, Petain and Weygand, ignored the menace of Nazism to their own country in their eagerness to ally themselves with this new and most powerful of all anti-Bolshevik movements. Mannerheim of Finland, Horthy of Hungary, Sirovy of Czechoslovakia, and all the other European puppets of the secret anti-Soviet war were converted overnight into the vanguard of Nazi aggression to the east.
In May 1933, only a few months after Hitler took power in Germany, Alfred Rosenberg went to England to confer with Sir Henri Deterding. The Nazi "philosopher" was a guest at the oil magnate's country estate at Buckhurst Park near Windsor Castle. Already there was a powerful and growing pro-Nazi group among the British Tory advocates of the anti-Bolshevik crusade.
On November 28, 1933, Lord Rothermere's Daily Mail sounded the theme that was soon to dominate British foreign policy: -
The sturdy young Nazis of Germany are Europe's guardians against the Communist danger. . . . Germany must have elbow room. . . . The diversion of Germany's reserves of energies and organizing ability into Bolshevik Russia would help to restore the Russian people to a civilized existence, and perhaps turn the tide of world trade once more towards prosperity.
Under Nazi leadership, all the scattered forces of world antiBolshevism, anti-democracy and White Counterrevolution were to be mobilized into a single international force for the smashing of European democracy, invasion of Soviet Russia and, eventually, for attempted domination of the world.
But there were farsighted statesmen in the Western democracies who refused to accept Hitler's anti-Bolshevism as an extenuation of all Nazi crimes and conspiracies. In Britain and the United States, there were two outstanding leaders who saw from the beginning that with the triumph of Nazism in Germany an era of world history had come to an end. The fifteen-year-old secret war against Soviet Russia had reared a Frankenstein in the heart of Europe, a militarized monster, that threatened the peace and security of all free nations.
As Hitler's Storm Troops marched through the streets of Germany, swinging their clubs and singing, "Today Germany is Ours, Tomorrow the whole World!" an eloquent English voice spoke out on a note of warning and prophetic alarm. Unexpectedly, it was the voice of Winston Churchill, the former leader of Tory anri-Bolshevism.
In December 1933, Churchill dramatically broke with his Tory colleagues and denounced Nazism as a menace to the British Empire. In direct reply to Lord Rothermere's statement that "the sturdy young Nazis of Germanv are Europe's guardians against the Communist danger," Churchill said: -
All these bands of sturdy Teutonic youths marching the streets and roads of Germany . . . are looking for weapons, and, when they have the weapons, believe me they will then ask for the return of lost territories and lost colonies, and when that demand is made it cannot fail to shake and possibly shatter to their foundations every one of the countries.
Churchill called for an agreement with France and even the Soviet Union against Nazi Germany. He was denounced as a traitor and warmonger by the men who had formerly hailed him as a hero of the anti-Bolshevik cause. . . .
Across the Atlantic another man saw that an era of world history had ended. The recently elected President of the United States, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, abruptly reversed the anti-Soviet policy which his predecessor, President Herbert Hoover, had pursued. On November 16, 1933, full diplomatic relations were established between the United States and the Soviet Union. On that same day President Roosevelt sent a letter to Maxim Litvinov which stated: -
I trust that the relations now established between our peoples may forever remain normal and friendly, and that our nations henceforth may co-operate for their mutual benefit and for the preservation of the peace of the world.
Within a year Nazi Germany had withdrawn from the League of Nations. Its place in the collective council of the nations was taken by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
The new era had begun. It was to be an era of the most fantastic and enormous treasons in history; an era of secret diplomacy carried on by terror, murder, conspiracy, coup d'etat, fraud and deceit unparalleled in the past.
It was to culminate in the Second World War.