Antonio Gramsci 1925
Report to the central committee:
6 february 1925 [158]
Text from Antonio Gramsci 'Selections from political writings (1921-1926)', translated and edited by Quintin Hoare (Lawrence and Wishart, London 1978), transcribed to the www with the kind permission of Quintin Hoare.
Political Situation
At the last meeting of the Central Committee, it was said that
the political and general situation was such as to permit the
conclusion that the slogan of workers' and peasants' committees
might be transformed from an agitational into an action slogan:
in other words, it might enter the phase of concrete
realization. [159]
We stated that the activity of the party and all party bodies
must be concentrated on realizing it; but so far we have not
achieved any great results in this field.
How then has the political situation developed in this period
of time? The opposition forces genuinely thought to bring about an
anti-fascist movement, planned to culminate in Milan, which was to
overthrow fascism and instal a military dictatorship. But when it
became a question of facing up concretely to the execution of this
plan, divergences and disagreements appeared within the Committee
of Opposition, these were naturally hard to overcome, and in
reality nothing serious was accomplished. Fascism, aware of this
plan of the opposition forces, reacted With an activity whose
culminating point was Mussolini's famous speech. [160] And the
government, with new press measures which made it impossible to
publish the sensational documents which the opposition had
utilized for its campaign among the popular masses, stripped the
Aventine of its only strength and beyond any question liquidated
the opposition. [161]
The opposition forces had placed hopes in the king; but through
their actions, they in fact drove the king to link himself more
closely with Mussolini. For the king was afraid of the situation
which the opposition was bringing about, so much so that some
court elements even advised against the publication of the Rossi
Memorandum, which marked the beginning of the fascist
counter-offensive. With the hopes of the oppositions thus dashed,
their activity was taken over by Giolitti, Salandra and Orlando,
who took up a position against the electoral law and around whom
there was formed a great democratic -Popular bloc, headed by
Giolitti.
Today, the Aventine has finished its historical function. The
bourgeois part of it is adopting a new position of its own, and
creating a liberal-constitutional centre with its own physiognomy
and political programme. Within the Aventine, there still remain
elements who want a different outcome. These elements know that
the constitutional forces of the Aventine only want to succeed
Mussolini, and that they will make use of the Action Committee of
the Opposition only as a committee of provocation (which, however,
will do very, very little, since Giolitti wants to avoid any
violent action). But they think they can remain with the
constitutional opposition forces, in order to make use of their
financial and material resources, and in order conspiratorially to
enlarge and intensify their activity, so as to channel it towards
different solutions from those which the constitutional forces are
aiming at. Such elements have spoken with us in these terms, and
even made us some proposals. We have no confidence in these
elements. However, we think it necessary to follow their activity
closely, to confront them with concrete problems, and to put to
them clearly what our platform of action could be. The forces at
the command of these groups are in any case very scanty,
consisting of a few republicans, the supporters of Italia
libera, the Migliolisti, and a few Unitary Socialists. [162]
The aim of fascism, or rather of Mussolini, is to gain by means
of the new electoral law an electoral result similar to that of 6
April last, but in a peaceful manner and on a Mussolinian rather
than a fascist platform. Mussolini is relying today, not so much
on the extremist elements of his party, as on a reorganization of
the General Confederation of Industry which will modify the
situation. He really accepts the programme of the
fellowtravellers, even if he has separated himself from them in
the parliamentary sphere. Freeing himself from the extreme
squadrista elements, Mussolini will form a conservative
party and, with the new electoral law, will succeed without
difficulty in forming a Mussolinian rather than a fascist
majority, without physical violence and replacing such violence by
fraud.
Among the anti-fascist forces, those of the Confederation are
certainly the largest; but the entire tactic of the Confederation
is aimed at eliminating the revolutionary forces, in order to give
the impression they have disappeared. The tactic of the
Confederation, moreover, is making it increasingly clear to the
masses how necessary it is that the workers' and peasants'
committees should become a reality, since the working-class masses
as a class cannot but seek organs and forms in which they can find
a political expression of their own. When in 1919 the unions
abandoned the class terrain, the masses found their political
expression in the Factory Councils; through these, they asserted a
will that was different from that which the union leaders
expressed through their trade-union bodies. Today, the leaders of
the Confederation are once again compelling the workers to seek
their own way and means of expression, and for this reason our
slogan of workers' and peasants, committees is becoming more vital
and real than ever.
The tactics of the Confederation is also creating a tendency
not to be unionized, which helps to direct all our work, including
in the tradeunion field, towards the organization of workers' and
peasants' committees.
The general economic situation, and above all the increase in
the price of bread, give us the major themes for our propaganda
and our campaign.
In the course of this last period, the party has not been given
an opportunity to make proposals to the opposition. In general,
the masses no longer believe in the opposition, yet at the same
time they have felt that somebody among the opposition forces
would be doing something. This is what has produced the state of
uncertainty and disintegration which has characterized the recent
period, and which has provided unfavourable terrain for any
initiative.
An identical situation has also been produced in the
parliamentary field. We returned to Parliament in the manner you
all know, and then with Grieco's speech, which disproved many
legends circulated about us by the opposition and had positive
repercussions among the masses. [163] Nevertheless, our last
intervention did not have the same success as our first
intervention in the Chamber. Parliament has now lost all
importance in the eyes of the country, and the very moment of our
return had lost much of the dramaticity of the first moment when
Parliament reopened. Moreover, the fascists - including even the
least intelligent of them - have learnt during this period to
become politicians; in other words, they have learnt how to
swallow the bitterest of pills in order to achieve particular
political ends. This increased the difficulties of our
intervention, which from the parliamentary point of view, and as
regards the way in which it occurred, did not have great
success. We are not yet very skilled in parliamentary
techniques.
In conclusion, we may say that this last period has had the
value of leading to a greater clarification of the situation and
of political positions. Today, we are faced with the formation of
the conservative party which will allow Mussolini to remain on in
power; with the formation of a liberal-constitutional centre,
grouping all the constitutional opposition forces; and with a left
represented by our party. All the other groups are gradually
losing any importance: they are disappearing and they are destined
to disappear. The Aventine has fragmented, though it continues to
remain alive more than anything else as a collection of blocs. The
popolari have fragmented the Aventine with their
assertion that programmatic statements and statements of principle
may be made by every individual party among the opposition
forces. The Unitary Socialists have situated themselves entirely
upon the terrain of constitutionality. As for the maximalists,
they can sense that the opposition would like to drive them out,
in order to form an electoral bloc which would naturally exclude
those political groups which make anticonstitutional statements -
even if only of a verbal nature. But the maximalists will do
everything possible to find a compromise and remain inside the
opposition.
We must maintain relations with those in the opposition who
want an insurrection. First of all, because to do so is useful
from an informational point of view; but also because it is as
well to follow certain emerging currents, which come up with
statements like the following: there is no longer any middle way
between fascism and communism, and we choose communism. Statements
of this kind, apart from having a real value, are also indications
not to be ignored of the fragmention which is taking place - and
intensifying - within the Aventine.
We are particularly interested in the positions of Miglioli and
Lussu. [164] Miglioli is resuming publication of
his newspaper, and by his request for funds from us is binding
himself to us. He is accepting an editorial board partly composed
of our elements. In this paper, which is for the moment remaining
a far-left Popular organ, Miglioli will carry, on a campaign in
favour of joining the Red Peasants' International. In the
organizational field, he will convene peasants' assemblies, in
which representatives from us and from the Red Peasants'
International will take part. Lussu's attitude too - he is asking
to go to Moscow and making interesting statements - indicates a
shifting of forces among the mass of peasants that is putting
pressure on their leaders; and that is of significance for us.
In general, the disintegration of the Aventine has strengthened
the revolutionary tendencies, and reveals a shifting of the masses
at the base. In the past months, it has not been possible to
obtain evidence of this shift in any organizational form; but it
has occurred, and in our direction. It has been molecular in form,
but it has occurred.
What practical work must the party carry out on the basis of
this examination of the situation? We must intensify activity
designed to illustrate to the masses the significance and value of
our slogan of workers' and peasants' committees. We must develop
political struggle in a form that is clearer to all workers. We
must place on the agenda (as concrete preparation and not as an
immediate solution) the problem of preparing for insurrection. The
last political events mark the beginning of a phase in which
insurrection is becoming a possibility. In which it is becoming
the only means of expression for the political will of the masses,
who have been stripped of every other form of expression. The
party has the duty of equipping the masses with the appropriate
means.
We must therefore enlarge the bases of our organization. We
must organize street cells, which must also have the task of
controlling the entire life of the population in the big cities,
in such a way that at the right moment we shall be in a position
to give those decisive blows which will ensure the success of the
insurrection. We must confront the problem of arms, which should
be considered from two points of view: the organization of men,
and the necessary preparation for acquiring and storing arms (this
second part of the problem can be resolved more easily if the
party, as a whole, works properly in the street cells). We must
indicate to the street cells the political work which they must
carry out, including in relation to the slogan of workers' and
peasants' committees - which cannot be created solely by the
factory workers, but must become mass organisms, with the
participation of all the population not grouped in the factories,
and with the inclusion of women.
In all our political work, we must observe the fundamental
principle: never advance slogans which are too distant from the
forces at our disposal; ensure that to every slogan there
corresponds real preparation and adequate material.
In addition, it is necessary to enlarge the party centre. It is
necessary that the party should be able to have a political
Executive Committee at its disposal (in the sense that it should
devote itself mainly to the political work which it is necessary
to carry out today), and also suitable bodies for organizational
work. Our organizational forces are inadequate, and we must tackle
the problem of increasing them. The Comintern would like the party
to provide a full-timer for every federation. This will not be
possible for us at present; but we must at least succeed in
creating regional secretaries for all the regions in Italy, and
especially for those where the movement is least developed and
hence a greater effort and greater sustained activity is
necessary.
The work of the cells is inadequate. It is necessary to ensure
that every cell makes a report each week to its area; the area
should report. fortnightly to the federation; and the federations
should send the Executive at least monthly detailed reports on the
political work carried out and on the local situation. On the
basis of these reports, the Executive Committee should continually
dispatch to the federations instructions, information and
suggestions aimedat making the work in each locality more
extensive, complete and fruitful. This should be the main
political work of the Executive within the party membership. Work
of an organizational character should be entrusted to other
bodies.
When an important slogan such as that of the workers' and
peasants' committees is launched, one passes through a whole
succession of interpretations. Between the phase of agitation and
propaganda and the phase of realization of such a slogan, there
lies what one might term a twilight period, which is precisely
that which we have defined as one of "little success", but which
does not at all mean that the slogan of workers' and peasants'
committees has been, or should be, abandoned. After the last
events, it has indeed become more radical, and remains our slogan,
the centre of our activity, around which we must naturally carry
on all the work of agitation to which comrade Valle [Tasca] has
referred. I have already given instructions to our federations in
this respect. All federations and sections must indeed be charged
to study the local situation and the specific needs of the workers
in the various localities. This preliminary examination
constitutes the party's preparatory work. Next, our local
organisms must organize factory assemblies, in which the problems
of working-class life can be pointed out; these can then be summed
up under the general organizational slogan calling for the
creation of workers' and peasants' committees - mass organizations
- charged with leadership of working-class struggles and
demonstrations. All our work must be carried out in accordance
with this orientation.
Certainly, we must stress the needs of the masses - but in
order to organize them in a form which synthesizes them, which is
that of the workers' and peasants' committees. We must be the
motors of this formation; the process is slow, but it is taking
place. Already, even now, our propaganda and agitation are
coinciding with some first examples of realization, even though
these are still uncertain.
As for our trade-union activity among the masses, I consider
that it should also be carried out among the nonunionized
masses. This faces us with the threat of a trade-union split,
which formally we must avoid, but which should not immobilize
us. Indeed, we will succeed in overcoming it to the extent that we
succeed in ensuring that the movement is led by the workers' and
peasants' committees, in the factories and urban [word
missing].
As regards the Maximalist Party, comrade Serrati has done the
pamphlet, which will be published and distributed. [165] It is
certain that we must do something to illustrate the position of
the Maximalist Party. In order to bring about great activity on
the left of the party, and hasten the party's disintegration, I
consider that we should attack the left itself. Serrati is
exaggerating when he says that the situation has been totally
reversed since the last Central Committee meeting. The opposition
bloc did have mass influence; but we know, and have always said,
that the bourgeoisie is attached to fascism. The bourgeois and
fascism stand in the same relation to each other as do the workers
and peasants to the Russian Communist Party.
Serrati. I said totally reversed in the sense of the
hopes that were widespread among the masses.
Gramsci. Even this is not true.
Serrati. At least it is more true.
Gramsci. The masses were influenced by the
bourgeoisie, but with a great deal of obscurity and
confusion. Now, compared with one hundred measures of confusion,
ten of clarity represent an advantage for us.
Serrati. You are right.
Gramsci. Today the classes have taken position on a
national scale. Fascism has restored to the bourgeoisie class
consciousness and organization. In this process of homogenization
which has taken place, the working class too has made progress and
achieved greater uniformity. The alliance between workers and
peasants has taken a step forward; the attitudes of Miglioli and
Lussu are an indication of this, and in this sense they have value
and merit our attention. Insofar as a new disposition of the
country's social forces has been created, we must recognize that
there has been progress.
The party's activity has had weaknesses. But one cannot but
recognize a notable improvement in the party generally, a greater
degree of initiative in the local organizations. The party today
is a better instrument of struggle than in the past, and will
improve as the movement develops and activity is intensified.
Comrade Longo asks for precise information about the creation
of workers' and peasants' committees and the function of cells. He
who does not wish to work says: "Give me a precise model and I
will start work." In reality, the cells were formed from the
moment they began to work. Any definition would only lead to
passivity and inaction.
The present situation is one which requires general agitation:
the inadequacy of our organization, of course, prevents this. It
is necessary to step up our work in all fields of organization and
agitation.
As regards the Maximalist Party, I agree with Serrati: we will
describe the situation in the Socialist Party to the masses, but
for purposes of agitation, as agitation and nothing else.
Trade-union Question
The Trade-union Committee must become a mass organism, leading
the working-class masses organized in the General Confederation of
Labour and those outside it. Avoiding, of course, splits and
clashes with the Confederation, but without renouncing any action
for fear of such clashes. We must make use of our trade-union
apparatus to generalize, sharpen and lead every moment, until
workers' and peasants' committees have been created.
The present rules of the Confederation are designed to prevent
any member of the Confederation from becoming a leader of a mass
movement. We must thwart this design. The rules of the
Confederation will never allow us to conquer this organism: as in
Russia, we must create a centralized organization of factory
councils which will replace the present trade-union organization
for mass mobilization and action.
Our Trade-union Committee will be modified in the sense that
comrade Azzario will be replaced by comrade Germanetto. We must
say to comrade Azzario that his resolution violated party
discipline, or rather party directives. [166] Certainly, the
Confederation of Labour was only waiting for a pretext to expel
us, and perhaps any resolution would have had the same result as
that which was presented. But the first part of that resolution
was certainly in contradiction to the directives given by the
Trade-union Committee.
We must react against the tendency not to be unionized which
the General Confederation of Labour's action has certainly helped
to encourage among the workers.
Trotsky Question
The resolution should refer to the question of Bolshevizing all
parties, a question put on the agenda for the Enlarged Executive
meeting. [167] It should contain an exposition of
Trotsky's thought: his predictions about American
super-capitalism, which will apparently have a European arm in
England and bring about a prolonged enslavement of the proletariat
under the dominance of American capital. [168] We reject these
predictions, which by postponing the revolution indefinitely would
shift the whole tactics of the Communist International, which
would have to go back to mere propaganda and agitation among the
masses. They would also shift the tactics of the Russian State,
since if one postpones the European revolution for an entire
historical phase - if, in other words, the Russian working class
will not for a long time be able to count on the support of the
proletariat of other countries it is evidence that the Russian
revolution must be modified. This is why the democracy advocated
by Trotsky meets with so much favour.
The resolution should also say that Trotsky's conceptions, and
above all his attitude, represent a danger inasmuch as the lack of
party unity, in a country in which there is only one party, splits
the State. This produces a counter-revolutionary movement; it does
not, however, mean that Trotsky is a counter-revolutionary, for in
that case we would ask for his expulsion.
Finally, lessons should be drawn from the Trotsky question for
our party. Before the last disciplinary measures, Trotsky was in
the same position as Bordiga is at present in our party: he played
a purely figurative role in the Central Committee. His position
created a tendentially factional situation, just as Bordiga's
attitude maintains an objectively factional situation in our
party. Although Bordiga is formally correct, politically he is
wrong. The Italian Communist Party needs to regain its
homogeneity, and to abolish this potentially factional
situation. Bordiga's attitude, like that of Trotsky, has
disastrous repercussions. When a comrade with Bordiga's qualities
withdraws, a distrust of the party is created among the workers,
which leads to defeatism. Just as in Russia, when Trotsky took up
this attitude, many workers thought that everything was in danger
in Russia. Fortunately, it became clear that this was not
true.
Notes from Antonio Gramsci "Selections from political writings (1921-1926)")
158 This Central Committee
meeting took place on the eve of Gramsci's departure for Moscow,
where he was to participate in the Enlarged Executive meeting of
the Comintern.
159 In the autumn of 1924,
the Communist Party leadership launched the slogan of Workers'
and Peasants' Committees. These were explicitly linked to the
1919-20 factory councils, and were seen as the organizational
form which could realize the united front among the masses:
"Before fascism is driven from power, the Italian political
crisis will no doubt take on much deeper forms than it has done
hitherto. The question of power will be placed before the
workers and peasants in a direct and immediate way. And they
will be in a much better position to resolve it if they have
already given birth to organisms in which class unity is
realized" (PCI internal bulletin, October 1924). Gramsci
referred to these committees in a speech to the communists of
Lazio (24 November) as "a basis for the creation of
soviets".
160 i.e. the speech of 3 January 1925, see note 154 above.
161 For the documents in
question - the Rossi and other memoranda - see note 154
above. The press laws in question were adopted in July 1924, but
not used to the full until the beginning of 1925, when
Mussolini's speech on 3 January was followed by a new wave of
repression aimed at the Aventine opposition forces.
162 For republicans, see note
92 above. Guido Miglioli was leader of the catholic unions among
the dairy farms of southern Lombardy. A left catholic deputy, he
was attacked and badly hurt by fascists during the May 1921
election campaign, after sharing a platform with a communist
speaker. In June 1922, during the fascist campaign to smash the
catholic unions (see note 129 above), he was once again the
object of an attack and his house in Cremona was burned down,
leading to the fall of the Facta government and the
"legalitarian strike" (see note 144 above). Leader of the left
wing of the Popular Party, Miglioli was expelled in June
1925. For Italia Libera, see note 97 above.
163 On 12 November 1924 (see
note 155 above), the communists formally returned to
parliament. Just one deputy, Repossi, entered the chamber, read
out a statement of principles which publicly accused the
government of complicity in the Matteotti Affair, then left at
once. Grieco spoke on 14 January 1925, in a parliamentary debate
on fascist proposals for a new electoral law. This marked the
real - as opposed to purely formal - return of the communist
deputies to parliament.
164 For Miglioli, see note
162 above. Emilio Lussu led the anti-fascist wing of the
Sardinian Action Party which split in 1922 when the fascists
came to power. His followers were a small component of the
Aventine opposition. Exiled in 1926, Lussu returned to revive
the party during the Resistance (1943-5).
165 Serrati and 2,000
"IIIrd-internationalists" fused with the Communist Party (which
in this period grew in a few months from 12,000 to 20,000) in
August 1924. The pamphlet referred to here was entitled "The
situation of the Socialist Party (Open letter to a socialist
worker of good faith)".
166 In December 1924, the CGL
held its Congress in Milan. Of 269,754 members (at least on
paper), 15 3,5 96 votes went to the reformists (PSU), 54,792 to
the maximalists (PSI), 33,596 only to the communists, who
challenged the validity of the vote. On 29 and 30 January 1925,
the Confederation organized a conference to discuss the way
forward. After a PCI motion attacking the Aventine and
reformism, the communist delegates were ejected. On 5 February
the CGL formally expelled all communists from membership. As the
comrade in charge of trade-union work, Azzario was responsible
for the content of the motion.
167 The Vth Congress of the
Communist International had decided on the "Bolshevization" of
all communist parties in order to strengthen discipline and
centralization and combat "factionalism ". The Comintern was
thus to become a "true world party, homogeneous, communist,
Bolshevik, Leninist". The model was to be the Russian party,
after the defeat of the 1923 Opposition had been consecrated at
the Thirteenth Congress (see note 148 above). The parties were
to be reorganized on the basis of factory cells (as the
Comintern Presidium had proposed as early as February 1924). The
Enlarged Executive meeting in Moscow in March-April 1925 was to
review the progress made in the Bolshevization campaign during
the preceding year, and in particular to coordinate the struggle
against "Trotskyism". (The struggle in the Russian party had
exploded into the open again following the publication of
Trotsky's The Lessons of October in October 1924; prevented from
expressing his political positions outside the Politburo after
the Thirteenth Congress, Trotsky had taken the opportunity
offered him by the publication of a volume of his 1917 writings
to include an introduction which contained, inter alia,
embarrassing references to Zinoviev's and Kamenev's opposition
to the insurrection of October 1917, and which defended his own
record - which had been under attack in the press campaign
against him before the Thirteenth Congress.)
168 The reference is to
Trotsky's speech of 28 July 1924, published in Izvestia on 5
August under the title "The Premisses for the Proletarian
Revolution". Trotsky argued that hegemony among the capitalist
powers was passing into the hands of the United States, which
would therefore be the arbiter of all attempts by the European
governments, above all that of Germany, to stabilize their
currencies and redress their economic situations. He depicted
European social-democracy as American capitalism's ally in
establishing its world domination, and suggested that the
former's prospects were dependent above all upon the latter's
success. But "the more American capitalism expands
internationally, the more commands the American bankers issue to
the governments of Europe, all the greater, all the more
centralized, all the more resolute will be the resistance of the
broadest masses of Europe". America "needs to secure her profits
at the expense of the European toiling masses . . . without the
American labour aristocracy, American capitalism cannot maintain
itself ... it is possible to keep the American labour
aristocracy in its privileged position only by placing the
'plebeians', the proletarian 'rabble' of Europe on rations of
cold and hunger.... The further this development unfolds along
this road ... all the more urgent, all the more practical and
warlike will the slogan of the all-European revolution and its
state form - the Soviet United States of Europe - become for the
European workers.... As against the little English isle, which
rests on colonies all over the world, America is mighty. But we
say: As against the